Paál, László
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| Party of Hungarian Truth and Life (Magyar Igazság és Élet Pártja – MIEP), was established in 1993, after former dissident István (Stephen) Csurka was expelled from the MDF for his radical nationalism. MIEP is a nationalist party, and demands the return of Hungarian territories lost in the Versailles-Trianon (1920) and Paris (1947) peace dictates. MIEP has announced its support of the Government, to the embarrassment of the latter. Amidst high hopes in the 2002 election, MIEP did not even win 5% of the votes and lost all of their seats in Parliament. Its defeat was repeated in the 2006 election. The Party entered in coalition with the Jobbik (Rightist) Movement before the 2006 election but could not enter Parliament. After the election fiasco they separated.
Politics Can Be Different (Lehet Más a Politika – LMP) – A green liberal poltical party, founded in 2009. Its beginning goes back to 2008, when a social movemen was formed with the purpose of reforming Hungarian politics. Their aims are environmental protection, sustainable development and the fight against corruption. LMP emphasized the pointlessness of the current partisan division between the left and rightwing forces, and its principle is deliberative democracy. The party gained 16 seats at the Parliament in the 2010 parliamentary elections, and won 54 seats at the local elections in local city councils of 3 October 2010, with at least one representative in most of the district councils of the capital, and 3 seats in the central council of Budapest, as well as in a few other towns around the country. The leadership of the Party includes András (Andreas) Schiffer, Benedek (Benedict) Jávor and Tímea Szabó. LMP received the official endorsement of the European Green Party. Social Union Party (Szociális Unió – SZU) – A new, leftist oriented political party, born on 3 October 2010 on the initiative of Katalin (Catharine) Szili. Among the preliminaries of the new party are the faulty politics of the Hungarrian Socialist Party (Magyar Szocialista Párt – MSZP), its opposition of the dual citizenship of Hungarian nationality living in the neigboring countries since the Trianon-Versailles peace dictate (1920), and scattered around the world; the MSZP’s disastrous neo-liberal economic policy; and the so called lie-speech at Őszöd by the president of the MSZP (2006). These contributed to the dramatic loss of the MSZP at the 2010 election. The majority of socialist party members were deeply disappointed and they searched for a new party adhering to socialist values. According to Szili there is a need for parties which are conservative in values, socialist in social-policy, guard both European and national values, stands by sustainable development and is antiglobalist. The new party fights for the realization of its program. – B: 1021, T: 7103. Workers’ Party (Munkáspárt – MP), a Communist Party with little influence. After the reform, the Communists renamed the Hungarian Socialist Workers’ Party the Hungarian Socialist Party. In 1989 a minority of old hard-line Communists split off to form a new party under the old name MSZMP. This was duly changed into the present name. In the subsequent parliamentary elections, it closely missed achieving the 5% threshold. Its leader is Gyula (Julius) Türmer. – B: 1019, 1031, T: 1019, 7103.→ Political System Change in Hungary in 1989-1990. Political System Change in Hungary in 1989-1990 – In Central Europe, momentous political and social changes took place during 1989 and 1990. The States in this region successfully shook off their Communist dictatorships, amongst them Hungary. The Communist dictatorship in Hungary began in 1945 when, at the end of World War II, the armies of the Soviet Union occupied Hungary and in their presence, in 1947 with an underhand, corrupt election they introduced a Communist dictatorship, led by Mátyás (Matthias) Rákosi and his associates. The newly established “People’s Republic” became transformed into a Soviet-style system. Its hard-line dictatorship led to the 1956 Revolution and Freedom Fight, which was defeated by the military might of the Soviet Union. After the reprisals that followed, from 1963, the Kádár Government, after making significant concessions, developed the so-called “Soft” or “Gulash Communism”. During the period between 1968 and 1972, the country’s economic life went through some reforms and with the aid of loans obtained from western banks it achieved a noticeable improvement in the living standards of the population. However, this resulted in a national debt of 22,000 million dollars by the end of the 1980s. From 1985 the new Soviet leader, Gorbachev, by introducing the new systems of perestroika and glasnost, tried to reform the Soviet economy and social conditions. In Central Europe, including Hungary, this resulted in an ever-increasing political opposition, demanding the creation of a multi-party democratic system. The most far-reaching movement for political change occurred on 11-12 March 1989, when the Hungarian Democratic Forum (Magyar Demokrata Fórum – MDF), held a national meeting; then the so-called Opposition Round-table was formed on 22 March, and the National Round-table negotiations began on 13 June. As early as 16 June, the state re-burial of Imre Nagy and his martyr associates took place; on 6 July, János Kádár died, and on the same day the official exoneration by the court also took place. On 11 July, the US President, George Bush Sr., visited Budapest and also met the leaders of the opposition movements. On 10 September, the Austrian-Hungarian borders were opened for East-German citizens, enabling them to escape to the West. This created a gap in the Soviet “Iron Curtain”. On 18 September, the closing document of the National Round-table Conference appeared – an agreement, however, which was not signed either by the Alliance of Free Democrats (Szabad Demokraták Szövetsége – SZDSZ), or the Fidesz (Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége). During the days from 6 to 10 October, the Hungarian Socialist Workers Party (Magyar Szocialista Munkáspárt – MSZMP), which had been operating till that time, was liquidated and its successor, the Hungarian Socialist Party (Magyar Szocialista Párt – MSZP) was created; on 23 October, on the anniversary of the outbreak of the 1956 Revolution, the name “Republic” (replacing “People’s Republic”) was declared; on 9 November the “Berlin Wall” fell. However, on 26 November, the notorious referendum of 4-Yes votes took place: the first distortion of the political change, the removal of the right of citizens to elect a head of state, instead entrusting it to the Parliament, where it became the object of negotiations among the parties. This distortion was strengthened by the establishment of the Opposition Round-table, the essence of which was not to keep the opposition tightly together, but to achieve an equal-partnership by clinging to the larger organization in opposition, the Alliance of Free Democrats. Already at that stage, they had in mind a governmental role in a coalition desirable to them. This actually did happen in 1994 at the time of their collaboration in government with the Hungarian Socialist Party and from then on, the Alliance of Free Democrats, the strongest opposition body, became decisive in the development of the policy of the Hungarian Socialist Party, the Communist successor party, along the lines of the western ultra-liberal policies and interests. The Opposition Round-table was soon superseded by a larger group, called “National”, for whom the particular role was allotted to prevent the Hungarian Democratic Forum from establishing the new democratic Hungarian social arrangements without the legislative assembly, urged by the Hungarian Democratic Forum, but to be determined by a considerably narrower circle, without legitimacy. In this manner, the bargaining began over the head of the nation, paving the way for the allotment of positions of power. The democratic change in the political system found itself on the wrong course in this chaotic bargaining process. With the exception of the government by the FIDESZ between 1998 and 2002, the Hungarian Socialist Party and the Alliance of Free Democrats became the ruling coalition, during which period, as a result of mismanaged government, the nation fell into an economic and political crisis, increasing the national debt fourfold, further aggravated by the global economic downturn. After two decades, the ending of the distorted and stumbled democratic change became imperative. – B: 1967, 7103; T: 7456.→Rákosi, Mátyás, Kádár, János; Nagy, Imre; Political Parties in Hungary. Political System Change in Hungary in 1989-1990, Developments after the – Soon after the political system change in Central Europe, the Hungarian people also experienced a huge social metamorphosis. Instead of the expected rise in living standards there came even more poverty; instead of democracy, Hungary received a manipulated power system and, instead of the much-desired new ethical order, a new period of moral chaos arrived. As a result, the larger part of the country’s population, after a few milder years, had to suffer from a general disillusionment, economic difficulties and uncertainty of existence. Perhaps the fast, haphazard and not transparently carried out privatization process, started under the government of József (Joseph) Antall, was the main cause and this continued under every subsequent government. Applying the neo-liberal economic policy, the state-owned common property had to be transferred to private hands, to foreign or local investors, on the basis of the slogan that the state was a bad manager. The result of this was an ever-increasing polarization of the Hungarian community. Beside the classes of the well-situated, newly-rich entrepreneurs, the politically well-positioned administrators and the army, there were the masses of the barely existing intellectuals, the starving unemployed and the impoverished retirees. At the same time, the entire system of welfare organizations disappeared. It was expected that the new Government, led by the former Communist diplomat Gyula (Julius) Horn as Prime Minister (1994-1998), would bring stability and more social sensitivity toward the dispossessed and the poor. But Horn relentlessly continued the privatization, which amounted to selling-out the country’s property and carrying out economic curtailments, with the introduction of the so-called “Manifold Parcel”. Not surprisingly, he lost the following election and the FIDESZ (Hungarian Civic Union) was able to form a coalition government under Viktor Orbán. Although the economy of the country was making headway and the national debt was cut back, Orbán’s Government had to face constant and fierce attack from the Left, now in Opposition to such an extent, that it lost the 2002 elections. Once again the Left-Liberal coalition (Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) with the Alliance of Free Democrats (SZDSZ) assumed government, led by the former Communist Minister of Finance, Péter Medgyessy, who, it was revealed, had been a secret agent. In 2004, in quiet collusion, he was succeeded by Ferenc (Francis) Gyurcsány, a former leader of the Communist Youth Alliance (KISZ). In 2006, Gyurcsány won the election with great promises, which were never fulfilled. He wanted to carry out an ill-considered, far-fetched modernization policy in the fields of economy, health, education etc., in all of which he failed and the country, which became a member of the EU in 2004 when it was in the forefront in economic growth in Central-Eastern Europe, soon became its last state on the list. The national debt grew fourfold to about 80,000 million US dollars; economic growth stalled and the privatization of the remaining part of the national wealth continued. Taxes increased proportionately, and also unemployment, impoverishment and social-community tensions. In addition to all this the global financial crisis engulfed Hungary. Eventually, on 21 March 2009, Gyurcsány had to resign as the President of the Hungarian Socialist Party (MSZP) and shortly afterwards also as Prime Minister. Instead of resorting to early elections, Gordon Bajnai, the specialist of finances of the former Government, became the new crisis-managing Prime Minister from 14 April 2009. The 20 years of the post-Communist era did not bring the expected solution, improvements and success. Already during the rule of the Hungarian Democratic Federation (Magyar Demokrata Fórum - MDF), the ideological disillusionment and social impoverishment were growing, rendering the Government ever more unpopular, leading to its election defeat in 1994. This defeat ruined not only the future of the MDF, but destabilized and undermined the traditional value system it represented. The erosion, tension, unemployment, poverty, hopelessness and the disillusionment with politics all increased even more. To all these aspects was added the national debt, the raising of foreign loans, and the Global financial crisis. The country reached the threshold of total collapse. Behind all these is the false policy that “the capital can regulate itself”. This did not take place. What did occur was that, as a result of privatization, the new owners, including those from abroad, gained maximum profits, which were not re-invested, but were taken out of the country, which was simply regarded by the West as its market; its cheap mass-produced export goods could be sold there, thus ruining the remaining fraction of the economy still in Hungarian hands. At present Hungary is in serious economic, political and moral crisis and tries to find a way out after the 2010 elections. – B: 1971, 7103, T: 7456.→Antall, József; Horn, Gyula; Orbán, Viktor; Medgyessy, Péter; Gyurcsány, Ferenc. Political System Changes in Hungary and the Hungarians of the West – The collapse of the Communist order during 1989 and 1990 and the coming into power of a “national-minded” government created a euphoric mood not only in Hungary, but also in Hungarian circles living in the West. Then every émigré group imagined “their own political school of thought appearing on the horizon” and every group felt that their own past activity decisively contributed to the downfall of Communism, because of which they could rightfully expect due recognition from the newly upcoming national government, independently from their political affiliation; mainly expecting moral recognition and possibility expecting to take part in the rebuilding of the nation and the country. They also expected, understandably, to be Hungarians and their Hungarian citizenship to be recognized officially by an act of Parliament and carried out just as promptly as that, which denationalized them. What did occur after the changes were merely the presentation of a few decorations and the bestowal of a few nominal promotions, but the recognition did not come. This adverse beginning drove a wedge between the new Government and the Hungarians in the West after the first few months. As this wedge continued to grow, it tended to create an increasingly wide gulf, separating those in power in the old country, on the one hand, and those among the émigrés, who were still deeply concerned about Hungary and its inhabitants, on the other. Those living in the West met with a certain coolness and distance on the part of virtually all the successive Hungarian Governments. There was no uniform attitude and policy regarding the several million Hungarians within the Carpathian Basin, who were forced to live under the hostile governments of the successor states (Romania, Czehoslovkia, Yugoslavia and Carpatho-Ukraine), since Trianon (1920) and Paris (1947) peace dictates, apart from the maintenance of some cultural relations, but without the appreciation and solution of their serious problems. The Government of the Hungarian Democratic Forum (MDF), transformed the World Federation of Hungarians (Magyarok Világszövegsége – MVSZ) into a quarantine (enforced isolation) in 1992, to become a suitable place for the representatives of five million Hungarians outside Hungary to debate, protest and lament the lack of their due recognition. In 2000, the Fidesz led Parliament took away all financial support from the MVSZ, which resulted that some of the western members of the MVSZ left it and 14 of them formed the Western European Hungarian National Organization Association (Bund Ungarischer Landesverbände in West Europe – Nyugat-Európai Országos Magyar Szervezeztek Szövetsége – NYEOMSZSZ). On 17 November 2011 the Fidesz-KDNP majority Parliament founded the Hungarian Diaspora Council (Magyar Diaszpóra Tanács), which is serving as a forum for the organizations of Hungarians scattered around the world, and also creates representatives of the diaspora Hungarians. The Diaspora Council will be in close co-operation with the Hungarian Standing Conference (Magyar Állandó Értekezlet – MÁÉRT). Országos Magyar Szervezetek Bund Ungarischer Landesverbände in Westeuropa– B: 1926, 7103, T: 7456.→World Federation of Hungarians; Teleki, Count Pál; Csoóri, Sándor; Patrubány, Miklós; Hungarian Diaspora Council. Politics Can Be Different Partv →Political Parties in Hungary. Politzer, Ádám (Alberti, Hungary, 1 October 1835 - Vienna, 20 August 1920) – Physician of Hungarian descent, otologist. In 1854 he obtained a Doctorate in Medicine from the University of Vienna, and was Professor there. In 1861, he became an honorary lecturer of Otology; in 1870 Associate Professor. In 1873 he founded the first Otological Clinic in Vienna. In 1896 he became a full Professor of Otology at the University of Vienna. He carried out fundamental research in the field of the pathology of ear-related illnesses like adhesive inflammation, inner-ear-suppurations, etc. The otological diagnosis was advanced by the otoscopic description of the eardrum, and the elaboration of the tuning-fork examination. The use of a ball, introduced by him, rendered the inflation of the tuba auditiva possible and also the draining of the effusions of the tympanum. He developed the surgery of the inner ear as well. He described the pharyngotympanic bag, named after him. Other associated eponyms: Politzer’s ear perforator; Politzer’s knife; Politzer’s luminous cone; Politzer’s method; Politzer’s operation; Politzer’s otoscope; Politzer’s speculum and Politzer’s test. He was a noted medical historian too, and founder and first Editor of the journal Archiv für Ohrenheilkunde (1889). His works include Lehrbuch der Ohrenheilkunde (1878), Geschichte der Ohrenheilkunde (1907-1913) and Anatomie und Histologie des menschlichen Gehörorgans (1889). He is the founder of modern otology. – B: 1730, 1781, 1031, 1160, T: 7456. Pollack, Mihály (Michael) (Vienna, Austria, 30 August 1773 - Pest, 5 January 1855) – Architect. He studied at the Academy in Vienna. During 1793 and 1794 he was in Milan, Italy, studying the Classicist forms of Lombardy. Later, in 1798, he settled in Pest. His first important work was to finish building the Lutheran Church at Deák Square in Pest. Then he worked on the renovation of the Cathedral of Pécs. He was the chief architect of the National Theater of Pest. In 1808, a Committee for Improvement was established and he became a member, and had an important role in the major architectural changes in the city. Between 1810 and 1830, he designed many great buildings and mansions for Pest. He was a famous master of the Hungarian Classicist style. His designing art is well shown on famous buildings, like the Pesti Vigadó (ballroom and concert hall), and the Ludovika Royal Hungarian Military Academy. He designed country mansions and country houses. His most famous creation is the National Museum, Budapest, which is a masterpiece of the European Classicist style. – B: 0883, 1160, T: 7663. Pollák, Antal (Anthony) (Szentes, 29 March 1865 - Budapest, 30 March 1943) – Inventor. He graduated from the Commerce and Industry Academy, Graz, Austria. He returned to Hungary, settled in Szentes, and was involved in the corn-trade. Later, he conducted research into television and express telegraph. He moved to Budapest, continued his experiments, and came forward with his invention called ‘Teleautograf’. Then in 1885, he introduced high-speed telegraphy, which had been invented jointly with József (Joseph) Virág. Its capacity was 70 thousand words per hour. The invention was received favorably but it was forgotten because its great capacity could not be used up. The School of Electronics in Szentes was named after him in 1973. – B: 0883, 1105, T: 7103. Pöltenberg, Ernő (Ernest) (Poeltenberg) (Vienna, 1813 - Arad, now in Romania, 6 October 1849) – General, martyr. He was born into a well-to-do family; his father was a lawyer. He entered into military service in the Imperial Army in 1830. During his 18 years’ service, he became Captain. He was posted to Hungary in the spring of 1848, and became a supporter of the Hungarian War of Independence (1848-1849). He fought against the army of Jelacic, the Croatian ban, but he did not agree to the idea of crossing the Austro-Hungarian border with the army. Due to his position, doubt surrounded him for a while. He excelled himself in the Battle of Kápolna on 26-27 February 1849. He was the Commander of the 7th Army Corps, and was promoted first to Major, then Colonel and finally General. He participated in the Battle of Komárom, on 2-11 July, then in the Battle of Vác on 15-17 July. As a confidant of General Artúr Görgey, he mediated in the negotiations of the surrender to the Russian Army. He was captured by the Austrians and sentenced to execution by hanging. In his last moments he said: “This is a nice delegation to send to God to represent the cause of Hungarians”. – B: 1105, 1031, T: 7103.→Arad, Martyrs of; Görgey, Artúr; Aulich, Lajos; Damjanich, János; Dessewffy, Arisztid; Kiss, Ernő; Knézich, Károly; Lahner, György; Lázár, Vilmos; Leningen, Count Károly; Nagy-Sándor, József; Schweidel, József; Török, Ignác; Vécsey, Count Károly; Haynau, Baron Julius Freiherr von; Ferenc József (Francis Joseph), Emperor and King; Freedom Fight of 1848-1849. Pólya, György (George) (Budapest, 13 December 1887 - Palo Alto, California, 7 September 1985) – Mathematician, mathematical philosopher. He was born into a Jewish family. His father’s former name was Pollak, and he converted to the Catholic faith. Initially he read Law, then Latin and Literature, and finally took Mathematics and Physics. He was the tutor of the son of a baron, who lacked problem-solving skills. Polya constructed a problem-solving method for his student that would work for others as well. He completed his studies in Budapest, Göttingen and Paris. He was invited to teach at the Polytechnic of Zürich (1914-1940), where he was Professor of Mathematics until 1940. In the same year he moved to the USA with his wife because of their concern about Nazism in Germany. He taught at Brown University as a visiting professor for two years; then accepted an invitation from the University of Stanford, where his friend Gábor Szegő taught, and he stayed there until his retirement in 1953. Besides his outstanding results in the field of mathematical analysis, he worked on a great variety of mathematical topics, including series, number theory, combinatorics and probability. He was one of the most significant mathematical philosophers, who carried out pioneering philosophical and psychological studies in the field of mathematical heurism. His work, How to Solve It (1945) caused a sensation (reprinted in 1971), and was translated into 17 languages; in it he identifies and analyses such components of mathematical heurism, as analogy, induction, and solving of auxiliary problems. He pointed out, that a mathematical discovery is not some irrational enlightenment, or the function of an idea, which in its inception is not identifiable, but something, which can be analyzed. His most important works include, How to Solve It: Mathematics and Plausible Reasoning. vols. i,ii, (1954) and Mathematical Discovery. On Understanding, Learning and Teaching Problem Solving, vols, i,ii, (1962, 1965). In it Polya established four basic principles. First, understand the problem; second, devise a plan; third, carry out the plan; fourth, examine the solution obtained. Furthermore, Pólya applied his mathematical heuristic results to the teaching of mathematics. Polya has become known as the father of problem solving. These texts form the basis for modern thinking in the teaching of mathematics and, by the passing of time they have not become obsolete at all. His last work is: The Art of Metaphysical Thinking (A metafizikai gondolkodás művészete) (1988). In 1976 the George Polya Award was established, and the Polya Prize too, in 1969. – B: 1028, 1031, 1068, 1672, T: 7456, 7103. |