Social Evaluation Study for the Milne Bay Community-Based Coastal and Marine Conservation Program png/99/G41 Jeff Kinch April 2001 unops contract for Services Ref
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It is worth pointing out that some of the early colonial land purchases for plantation purposes might possibly have recorded valuable historical information on the details of customary land and marine claims to isolated islands and reefs. In CBMMCA 3 relevant records could include Duchateau Islands (south of Brooker), and the Dumoulin Islands (Miligili and Imbert Islands, and Panamau and Meilai islands, east and west of Ware respectively. Another method to follow up would be to check if any of these were returned/resumed/resold as part of the Plantation Redistribution Scheme (or for similar purposes) to previous customary landowners. If so, there may be information on file in either the Milne Bay Lands Office in Alotau or in the Lands Department or the Land Titles Commission, Port Moresby, concerning the investigation and settlement of such claims at the time. To complicate matters worse people at Kwaraiwa and Anagusa Islands in the Engineers believe that the Long and Kosmann Reefs are and always have been public areas and should not come under the ownership of either Brooker or Ware (Kinch, 2000e). This is because they want to dive there as well. Other ongoing disputes within CBMMCA 3 are between Brooker and Motorina who dispute each other’s access to seas and the island of Venaliwa that lies between these two islands. Motorina are also in dispute with Panaeati as well as the south coast villages on Misima regarding the north Barrier Reef Islands. Summary and Conclusion Property rights and marine tenure have a crucial bearing on questions of resource sustainability for the MBP. There is a need to understand how institutions help users in the CBMMCAs cope with resource use problems. The MBP gives us an ideal opportunity to monitor the processes of self-organisation and self-governance. When marine resources come to represent cash at the market, villages begin to guard their fishing rights jealously. Arguments develop over exactly where the traditional boundaries lie and who, by virtue of clan or village ties, has the right to fish within these boundaries. Traditionally, when everyone got all the fish they wanted, rights and boundaries were often hazily defined as there was no need for great precision. Growing harvesting pressure on marine resources is linked to the consequences of the process of monetization of these resources and most areas has led to increased frequency of disputes over ownership rights. There is an increased concern within all CBMMCAs of other people poaching on their reefs and selling their catch for money. Conflict management and resolution at the LLG and Ward levels will have to be developed. There is a possibility of conflict within all CBMMCAs and also within the communities themselves. Different islands within the Engineers have recently become hostile to each other over rights to beche-de-mer diving grounds. This is a threat to the MBP. The most lond standing and delicate situation within Zone 1 is that between Ware and Brooker in CBMMCA 3. All these disputes over access to marine resources, and territories are very significant and will be of major importance in the context of any conservation-related activities that the MBP tries to implement. Some of these disputes appear to have gone on for years without either side being prepared to discuss the issues, much less reach compromise. Emphasis will need to be put on supporting any programs relating to demarcation of marine territories and on encouraging the traditional owners to exploit the resources within their sustainable limits where markets are available. Supporting any programs by the Milne Bay Provincial Government in relation to conflict resolution and mediation either through informal/formal court systems and/or demarcation and registration of claims to traditional fishing rights would be beneficial to villagers. This is of particular concern in light of the continuing desire for cash and exploitation of marine resources. A strong social mapping program may lay to rest once and for all the disputed areas. Chapter 11 Conservation Conservation Dichotomies Because the social and cultural fabric is so tightly interwoven with the biodiversity that provides material sustenance, peoples’ perception of the 'ecosytem' is markedly different from the Western scientific concept (cf Regis, 2000). People are generally concerned with the immediate benefits of fishing and gardening rather than the conscious need to manage resources sustainably. The environment is now valued insofar as its exploitation can provide financial rewards and better services to people. They are more concerned with immediate yields and with their ability to earn cash by selling and exploiting elements of the environment, rather than with questions of future sustainability. Even when community organisational structures are strong, current population pressures make it increasingly difficult for communities directly dependent on natural resources for survival to defer present exploitation for the sake of future security of the resource base (cf Kiss, 1990). Overall, the question of whether indigenous and conservation interests really coincide has been strongly debated, with convincing evidence that such a commonality cannot be assumed (Cox and Elmqvist, 1997; Dwyer, 1994; Einarsson, 1993; Ellen, 1986; Gomez-Pompa and Kaus, 1992; Jeanrenaud, 1997; Korten, 1996; Orsak, 1996; Peres, 1995; Redford and Stearman, 1995). Determining whether or not a traditional conservation ethic exists within the CBMMCAs is important when framing conservation measures. Where it exists, it provides an excellent foundation on which to build conservation programs; they can be planned around accepted local values and associated customs. Where traditional conservation is weak or non-existent, the natural resource manager (and the schools) need to be aware that a major education effort lies ahead. Polunin (1984; 1990) challenges the view that indigenous systems of sea use encourage conservation. Pernetta and Hill (1980) who state that subsistence societies exploit available resources for their immediate survival and that whilst traditional knowledge may include the knowledge of the consequences of given activities or actions this would always be moderated by the immediate needs of survival. This statement is still valid today. Hames (1987: 106) argues that the jury is still out over the notion of an indigenous conservation ethic because of a lack of behavioural data pertaining to resource management and conservation. On Manus, Carrier (1982) found that people are not very interested in the ways that species of fish are unique rather they were more interested in their suitability as food, and where and how to catch them. Conservation must largely be consistent with local people’s priorities - or, conversely, by enabling local residents to better manage their resources for the benefit of current and future generations, conservation will result. The truth is that conservationists often have very different priorities than the intended beneficiaries. Producers will limit their production to a certain level using fewer resources when they intensify production to a certain level, therefore using fewer resources when they intensify production at the site (Brown and Wyckoff-Baird, 1992). Buried in this assumption is that people will be perpetually content with the small amount of cash provided by alternative enterprises and will not seek to maximise income (Chummy, 1996). In the Milne Bay case people will desire more cash. Recommendation: 28. Given the lack of a conservation ethic among communities in the CBMMCAs, the MBP will have to link conservation to issues which local people find important and which move them to think about resource management, planning and conservation. The Case for Local Ecological Knowledge One of the features of fisheries in Papua New Guinea that is constantly highlighted is the lack of information on the resources and the way in which they are currently being exploited (Hair, 1994). Despite its high marine biodiversity, PNG has been poorly studied, and official monitoring statistics are non-existent, unpublished or rudimentary. Local Ecological Knowledge (LEK) has not yet been assessed and documentation is only fragmentary(Piddington et al, 1997). Johnson (1992: 4) defines LEK as a: . . . body of knowledge built by a group of people through generations living in close contact with nature. It includes a system of classification, a set of empirical observations about the local environment, and a system of self-management that governs resource use. The preoccupation with the direct use value of natural resources in rural PNG is evident in their local knowledge systems. First, people usually only have detailed names and classifications for those elements of the environment that are useful and important in fulfilling their daily needs, but lack specific names for the elements that are less important from a utilitarian point of view. Second, this knowledge is aimed at the exploitation and use of natural resources to fulfill human needs, rather than at understanding the interdependency of ecological systems (cf van Helden, 1998). It has important ramifications for creating fishery management schemes. LEK is a valuable resource of relevant information that can enhance resource conservation and the preservation of ecological integrity in many parts of Milne Bay. It also provides insights into human-environment relationships and can be employed to enhance local self-sufficiency, both in the maintenance of subsistence strategies and for the development of market-orientated programs of carefully managed commercial exploitation of natural resources (particularly baitfish, beche-de-mer and trochus). Given that these are the explicit goals of the MBP, there is a strong case for a major emphasis on the value of LEK. In recent years at the global level, there has been wide recognition of the value of LEK.. For instance, Chapter 17 of Agenda 21 (United Nations Conference on Environment and Development) made important recommendations concerning traditional resource management. According to Section 17.81 (c) people must Develop systems for the acquistion and recording of traditional knowledge concerning marine living resources and environment and promote the incorporation of such knowledge into management. Section 17.94 (b) requires people to Provide support to local fishing communities in particular those that rely on fishing for subsistence, indigenous people and women, including as appropriate, the technical and financial assistance to organise, maintain, exchange and improve traditional knowledge of marine living resources and fishing techniques, and upgrade knowledge on marine ecosystems. The Convention on Biological Diversity, which is managed by the United Nations Environment Program makes specific reference to the need to protect the world's indigenous cultures and traditions. Article 8 of the convention states: subject to its national legislation, (to) respect, preserve, and maintain knowledge, innovations and practices of indigenous and local communities embodying traditional life styles relevant for the conservation and sustainable use of biological diversity. Recording the spatial and temporal distribution of habitats and biota is fundamental to developing CBMMCSs. It is probable that the locations of rare or endangered species are more likely to be identified by local resource users than by outside researchers doing site inventories (Johannes, 1994; Johannes and Hviding, 2000). This research involving communities in the CBMMCAs can contribute in the long-term by promoting culturally appropriate and environmentally sustainable adaptations acceptable to people as they exploit their resources commercially (see Sillitoe, 1998). LEK in Milne Bay could be incorporated into a database or Global Information System (see Calamia, 1999; Lucas, 1996; Ault et al, 2000) along the lines of the already-developed PNGRIS and BIORAP programs. Most people dependent on marine resources for their livelihoods come into contact with a wide variety of marine fishes and invertebrates on an almost daily basis. As a consequence, most are familiar with the names of a large number of these animals. A great deal of local knowledge is often implicit in the names themselves and in the classification system used (see Ruddle, 1994b). Etymologies of folk taxa are categorised according to the type of information they reveal about the animal (see Foale, 1998). The largest category of taxa comprises names, which simply describe the external appearance of the fish. Many names refer to the fish’s habitat or some aspect of it. Basic information is encoded in the etymologies of many local fish taxa and items of local knowledge about the behaviour of some fish species (see Kinch, 1999). A particular body of LEK refers to people’s classification of natural phenomena and their perceptions of environmental causes and effects, understandings of ‘natural’ processes (systems of relationships involving plants, animals and various supernatural and environmental factors) (Lewis, 1993). Fishing-related knowledge is linked with similar knowledge regarding the terrestrial environment, and with knowledge about climate and seasons (see Hviding, 1996). People’s knowledge of the marine environment, being behaviour and capture orientated, and focusing on predictable cycles in the availability of fish, invertebrates, and other living things of sea, reefs, and mangroves, guides practice to produce regular temporal and spatial activity patterns. In the case of Milne Bay Province, within Zone 1, current evidence indicates that explicit LEK is not strongly developed in some communities. On Brooker (CBMMCA 3), for instance, there is general agreement that fishing is always better at low tide. However, no clear axioms emerged regarding particular seasons or lunar phases that were better for any particular method of fin-fishing. Although local knowledge of seasonal spawning aggregations of certain species of serranids has been demonstrated for several Pacific Island societies (Johannes, 1978b, 1980; Johannes and Hviding, 2000), nobody on Brooker claimed to know of such aggregations in the area. At East Cape (CBMMCA 1), knowledge of spawning areas for flying fish and various other fishes has been reported (Seeto, 2000). Islanders in Milne Bay utilise many generations of accumulated knowledge and skill about the local territory. There is a wealth of knowledge about ocean currents, tides and associated wind-current relationships, which help to define access and availability of species in the seascape. In practical navigation, ensuring safety at sea means utilising one’s knowledge of waves, currents, and other environmental forces so as to obtain as smooth as passage as possible. The use of stars as navigational aids was among the vital skills of early voyagers; today this knowledge is all but lost. People make use of cloud patterns and are further assisted by the emerging island features on the horizon. Cultural identity is deeply imbedded in the seascape as well as the landscape. Life in, on and at sea remains a deeply meaningful component of people’s practical lives (cf Hviding and Baines, 1996; Bourdieu, 1977). Recommendations: 29. Appropriate marine resource management systems should be designed, implemented and monitored. Construct an appropriate feedback mechanism from top to bottom and vice versa. 30. Investigate the suitability of closed seasons for different species and the problems of multi-species fisheries at different spatial and temporal scales. 31. Western and local scientific knowledge of marine systems management are jointly employed to reinforce the interdependency between humans and nature, and to provide a platform for the introduction of more Western concepts of conservation. 32. Encourage, traine and equip communities should be to participate in the monitoring and surveillance of their own marine resources. The Current Status of Local Knowledge and Cultural Loss Ten years ago, the Provincial Issues and Concerns Report raised the following perceived problems: (i) loss of traditional customs, taboos, laws and values; (ii) increase in lack of respect for village elders, traditional values and customs; (iii) growing unacceptance of village life; and (iv) deteriorating traditional methods of land inheritance and settlement of disputes. More recently Callister (1998) notes from workshops held on traditional resource tenure at Misima: The young people were recipients of knowledge about the culture they live in, knowledge, which surprisingly is no longer passed, allowing them to gain some of the identity they feel they’ve lost. The older generation in turn felt glad of the opportunity to impart this knowledge, gratified that some of the younger generation are showing interest in their culture Education is also a double-edged sword. If young folk are all being educated in Western curricula, they have less time to learn traditional ecological knowledge. On the other hand, if they have exposure to education about marine issues it can make them more informed about what is happening to their marine environment. Recommendation: 33. Design activities to create a mechanism for recognising the value, role, and importance in Local Ecological Knowledge. Tradition and Place Of particular interest to the MBP is the critical role that oral histories, myths and legends play in defining the territorial domains of social groups and a sense of place and identity within that place (see Khan, 1990, 1996). In Papua New Guinea, in general, it is thought that through myths people have transmitted basic legal, political, social and economic charters by which rights and obligations between groups within communities are defined and rights to specific resources and territories are defended (Lacey, 1979). In a study of the Mandok people of the Siassi district Pomponia (1992: 66) states: The Mandok believed, as did many other Melanesian societies, that an inherent aspect of an individual’s (and a culture’s) identity was assimilated from that individual’s residence and subsistence economy. It was as if people absorbed all of the life-giving forces from their land and from food grown in that place. That ‘substance’ was then transformed, through the food and liquids ingested and the air breathed, into human life. For most Melanesian horticulturists, this ‘substance’ comes from the ground . . . For the Mandok, it comes from the sea. Place names may mark territorial claims, function as spatial references in economic activities, encode oral history or serve as identifiers of territorially integrated, corporate social groups (Ayres, 1983; Basso, 1984; Gaffin, 1993; Takaki, 1982). In some cases, groups claim customary rights on the premise that their ancestors were the original inhabitants and/or users of particular land and sea areas. Myth is used to illustrate the connection between sea territories and culture, the social links among people, and the value of the landscape (see Fitzpatrick, 1991). The sea is of focal importance to islanders throughout Milne Bay in terms of both cultural and social relations: it is an environment criss-crossed by culturally inscribed paths of sequential practical experience leading to and from distant islands whose inhabitants are part of the wider social universe. The understanding of the stories and the arrangement of the places they relate to is proximal to understanding the pattern of social organisation and the ecology of marine environments. In Appendix 8 the names of Brooker (CBMMCA 3) geographical features and their meanings and significance are given as examples of this. Knowledge of place names and customary usage is also important in resolving and supporting claims against disputes relating to maritime claims. This is particularly true in the present dispute between Brooker and Ware presented earlier. Customary usage is also preserved in lore, legends, songs and dances. On Brooker, there are mythological stories of a species of triggerfish and of a turtle at Panapatpat and on Panasial, the neighbouring island, there are stories of a moray eel and a giant from Sudest who originally brought yams to the area. Songs are still remembered concerning the sandpiper and pigeons, and dances have now seen a small revival of culture days. These include dances for moray eels and the hump-headed maori wrasse. Community-Based Marine Management and Conservation Sites Researchers broadly agree that CBMMCSs are beneficial in enhancing spawning stock biomass, and allowing for larval dispersal and the export of adults to adjacent non-protected areas (Bohnsack 1993, 1996; Roberts and Polunin, 1991; Alcala and Russ, 1990; Russ and Alcala 1996; Alcala, 1997; White et al, 1989; Nowlis and Roberts, 1998; Adams, Dalzell and Roberts, 1997). Likewise, spatio-temporal refugia alleviate pressure on stocks by allowing depleted populations to recover during seasonal or episodic no-take periods; they may also allow for increased larval dispersal, particularly if the area is dotted with permanently closed source population Zones (Quinn et al, 1993). CBMMCA members' perception of the CBMMCS's impact on the resource is also an important indicator. It is these perceptions that will influence their behaviour regarding the CBMMCS (Pollnac, 2000). Johannes (1998; also Schmidt, 1997) has recently supported the application of 'data-less' precautionary management in the tropical Indo-Pacific region. He argues that the best way to manage inshore tropical fisheries is to partly devolve managerial responsibilities to local communities. It is important for the MBP that it establish reasonable expectations for when the communities within the CBMMCAs should expect to see results from their conservation and mangemnet exercises. Johannes (1994) has argued that this very problem is an opportunity to seek a new paradigm for fisheries management in the South Pacific—one that is not based on the conventional approach of intensive data gathering and analysis, but based on self-reinforcing feedback systems at the local level. Johannes argues that the very limitations evident in most island fisheries departments are sufficient to make the conventional approach invalid, as it is usually impossibly cost-inefficient to collect sufficient data for the results to conform to the usual tests of significance. Instead, another approach is required where less emphasis is placed on ‘hard’ data and more on gathering information from the fishermen who prosecute the fishery. Johannes (1994) emphasises that data-less management is not information-less management, but rather a mechanism that pays greater attention to the information provided by fishermen on their assessment of a stock, and of the ways in which traditional and community measures were brought into play to maintain stocks. This is of course provided that indicators are negotiated and well understood by communities within the CBMMCAs. By social necessity many of the CBMMCSs developed for the MBP are likely to be small and numerous, often with small separating distances, thus forming a network of fish refuges. Such a network may maximise the linking of larval sources and suitable settlement areas and provide the means by which adjacent fishing areas are eventually replenished with marine species through reproduction and migration. Ideally, CBMMCSs should be located in such a position, and be of sufficient size, to encourage a significant increase in the numbers of sedentary species (including corals) and fish stocks, thus also contributing to conserving biodiversity. Most fisheries conservation measures will result in a short-term decrease in catch. The same will hold for CBMMCSs because they reduce the area available for fishing. As most subsistence fishers require seafood for their daily subsistence and cash needs, it is unreasonable to expect communities within the CBMMCAs to adopt conservation measures which will initially reduce present catches of marine resources without offering alternatives. This is especially true in light of the current situation where prices are high and communities notice a decline in stock numbers (see Mitchell et al, 2001). Alternatives offered elsewhere have include the introduction of medium-sized, low-cost boats (to divert fishing pressure to areas immediately beyond the reefs), the promotion of village-level aquaculture and restocking of depleted species of molluscs in village areas (King and Fassili, 1998). The MBP may have to investigate alternative incomes; particularly the possibility of collaborating with the European Union Rural Coastal Fisheries Development Program planned for Milne Bay (see Kinch, 2001; Gillett et al, 2000). It also should be posited that marine resource incomes can be maintained at sustainable levels, ie. higher productivity per annum, if regulations are followed and suitable monitoring is put in place. Scientific input is also required to advise on, and monitor the effects of, community actions. For CBMMCSs, this includes providing advice on the placement of reserves, monitoring biological changes within the reserves, and collecting data on fish catches in adjacent areas. A large amount of information, and even estimates of sustainable yield by area, may be gained from such extensive surveys with the collaboration of community members (see Kinch, 1999, 2001). The main reason used to justify the introduction of seasonal fishery closures is the need to protect a species during part of its life cycle, especially during spawning or recruitment. One of the best-known examples is the stock management of trochus and bêche-de-mer on Ontong Java in the Solomon Islands. The whole community there decides to alternate exploitation of these two fisheries from year to year. This annual closure is a good illustration of the concept involving the restriction of harvesting for the purpose of guaranteeing that the resource will remain permanently available in adequate quantities (Farman, 1997). Sustainable use approaches are predicated on the concept that the living resources of a CBMMCS can replenish themselves naturally and can be harvested, within limits, on a continuing basis without eliminating them (Crosby et al, 2000). For the MBP we need to investigate the suitability of closed seasons for different species and the problems of multispecies fisheries. Recommendation: 34. Involve LLGs in future demarcation of conservation and management areas and the provision of services that would off set these conservation and management areas costs. There is a need to establish linkages with the LLGs and assist in giving advice on the formulation of LLG laws that are useful to the MBP. Wildlife Management Areas Currently the best conservation option available to PNG reef owners is the establishment of village-level Wildlife Management Areas (WMAs), or in the MBP's case CBMMCSs. Successful examples include the one set up in Madang Lagoon (the largest marine lagoon system along the north coast) when local reefowners, after noticing declines in local fish stocks, declared one of the islands in the Lagoon (Sinub Island) a WMA, encompassing 11.6 ha of coral reef (Jenkins, 1999). After one year of community management top-level predatory fisheries have increased numerically on the reefs of the WMA and decreased on umanaged reefs. Reefs sharks have re-appeared around Sinub WMA after being essentially absent from the inner-lagoon for over 10 years. Long-term success of the project is still being measured. Wildlife Management Areas were originally developed by the DEC to give local landowners a say in how wildlife in their areas could be managed and allow sustainable exploitation levels. These are established on customarily owned land on the request of the landowners for the conservation and controlled utilisation of the wildlife and its habitat. Landowners desiginate a Wildlife Management Area Committee that is responsible for making and enforcing rules. These rules may be made for the protection, exploitation or management of wildlife. The major weakness is that WMAs may be dissolved by landowners at any time, or its rules amended or altered (see Regis, 2000). Other problems are lack of local resource management expertise and delays in responding to requests for WMA establishment, which leads to apathy and weak enforcement of regulations. The Lake Lavu Wildlife Management Area on Fergusson Island was proposed in 1975, supported by the LGC, in response to a need to limit exploitation by outside hunters. The WMA was formally gazetted in 1981, with regulations. It was inspected by Ingram in 1989, who reported that no formal meetings of the local committee had been held since 1980 and there had been little contact with government, (many national Wildlife staff were laid off in 1982); but there was still a chairman monitoring the lake for rule infractions (see Ingram 1994; Eaton 1985; 1986; 1997). There is almost a complete absence of government support and backup for the Lake Lavu WMA. The implication of this is to the extent that MBP is dependent on both National and Provincial Government bureaucracies for both initial implementation and sustained management, there are major problems and risks (see van Helden, 2001 for details). More specific marine WMAs that have been proposed were the Eastern Islands and Pockington Reef in 1980, Lunn Island in the Conflict Group (CBMMCA 2), Trobriand, Woodlark and Fergusson Islands, and finally the initial attempt to establish one in the West Calvados (CBMMCA 3). In the mid 1970s representatives from DEC and the Department of Primary Industries came to Brooker to talk about using some of their islands in the Duchateau and Bramble Haven Group for this purpose. Brooker people were favourable to this idea. . . . [The people are] enthusiastic about the idea of wildlife preservation and would be amenable to any reasonable proposals suggested by Wildlife. . . Various possibilities for preserving the wildlife on the islands were considered, with [the people] keen to support the idea. He does require that some of the islands be available to the local people for obtaining turtle eggs and birds for food. [The people] suggested that Punawan, Pana’pa and Panuiapona could be classified as total, all year-round-reserves, whilst the other islands could be used by the local people for turtle eggs and bird collecting (Bourne, 1976b). My intention and plan would be that out of the islands around the Jomard passage one of them should be preserved so that the wildlife on it can be preserved, and I think that Panuiapona Island is the best one. The island is surrounded by a reef and atolls and has beautiful white sands right around. Turtles usually lay their eggs and certain types of birds feed on the island during the December month. I feel that if the life of these birds and the turtles is disturbed and the eggs interfered with, then the population of turtles and birds will decline unless there is some protection given (Bourne, 1976b). This reserve was never gazetted even though some people at Brooker currently believe that Jomard is in fact a wildlife reserve, especially for the preservation of turtles and pigeons The Wildlife Management Area Committees are made up of elders from Brooker, Panavalavalan (Panapatpat), Motorina and Bwagaman and the rules drawn up for this area are made by the people and agreed in principle by the people of the whole West Calvados Chain, therefore all of them are aware of the rules. Your [Fisheries] boys have broken one of the rules by harvesting coconuts without the approval from the people or the Committees therefore they were concerned about this. . . When this WMA is gazetted then the Committees will have all the power to take anybody whether he is government worker or private) to court for breaking one of their rules and they can fine up to K 20.00 in the Local Court (Hevehe, 1978). Every men and women were very interested with the suggestion that was made by the Committees of the Islands of the Bramble Haven Group (Department of Primary Industries, 1978). . . . Some people said that they were allowed to ‘harvest’ the eggs of both species for one month and then leave the islands for one month. However it does not work that way. People go down whenever the weather is suitable and take everything that they can find. We tried to encourage them to take only half the eggs from each nesting site and leave the rest. For our troubles we were viewed as something incredibly stupid. I mentioned that one of the biggest changes that I had observed over the last twenty years was the dramatic reduction in the number of turtles. To placate us they left some eggs in each nest, but it probably only lasted as long as we were watching (Stevens, 1993: 4). For a WMA to be established, all landowners must agree to the establishment and to the rules of enforcement. The use of this Wildlife Management Area should be reinvestigated, particularly since the people who had entered discussion in the 1970s have now passed on. They could be important in facilitating resource management in the area. There was also a visit to Ware (CBMMCA 3) by National Parks in 1981 to assess if it was a possible candidate for a Marine Conservation Area . . . the people were assured that the government takes into consideration all aspects of the people's welfare before proceeding. It was reiterated strongly that the whole decision rests upon the people. They decide who to restrict, ban and who is to enter their premises. The government cannot impose unnecessary sanction against the villages (Babo and Genolagani, 1981). Chesher (1980) also called for the Kosman Island (Nabaina) (CBMMCA 3) to be considered as a site for a national reserve. This intial interest was retained throughout the 1980s with several dozen or more WMAs proposed throughout PNG. Unfortunatley fewer and fewer were gazetted and the capacity of DEC diminished as they were hit by increasing funding cuts. There is a severe lack of government capacity to implement a working national system of MPAs from government to community levels. Subsequently fewer WMAs went through the process of boundary definition and management rules implaced. Traditional Practices: Reef Closures, Tabus and Monsters Throughout Milne Bay Province the practice of closing reefs or fishing grounds is/was carried out for a certain length of time following a death. This is called 'Gwala' in Ware (CBMMCA 3) and 'Tawakaus' in the Deboynes (CBMMCA 2) and at Brooker (CBMMCA 3). After a period of sereval months to several years the area is reopened and people can access that area for harvesting purposes again. People are well aware of the benefits of such reef closure in resource regeneration and this practice therefore offers the most culturally appropriate way to introduce CBMMCSs in the MBP. There will be a need to modify the custom for management. The following discussion recorded in Misima (the local language) and later translated into English by the author comes from Brooker in the last Community Entry Patrol: Solomon
Weke
Solo
Joseph
Iuda
Sala
Wiakai
Joseph again
Weke again
This practice can also be applied for other reasons as a recent example from Skelton Island in the Engineer Group shows. The village there had decided to apply this traditional practice of closure to allow the numbers of beche-de-mer and trochus to replenish so money could be made available for a new church building. This practice may have practical application MBP and assist in the implementation of Coastal and Marine Resource Management and Conservation Plans (CMRMCPs). Monsters were previously believed to inhabit Guawana Passage, Houmi and Soliyaveya reefs near Nagobi, and people were afraid to enter these areas. These traditional exclusion Zones may have had ecological significance attached to them as in other parts of PNG it has been recorded that the reefs around uninhabited islands were sometimes declared taboo in order to provide good fishing for special expeditions or when resources on the regular fishing grounds ran low (see Beckett, 1964). Nowadays with the teachings of the church, these areas are now open for exploitation, as people do not fear evil spirits as much as in they did in the past. In the past people would have been reluctant to travel through stretches of water traditionally known to be dangerous (cf Lepowsky, 1995; Hviding, 1995). Taboos that existed related to the prohibition of eating certain marine resources. These restrictions were applied to expecting mothers and young children. Other restrictions applied to eating one’s father’s clan fish. These restrictions are not particularly adhered to today except for pregnant women. Table 62: Marine Resources Subject to Customary Taboos on Brooker Island (Source: Field Notes)
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