Social Evaluation Study for the Milne Bay Community-Based Coastal and Marine Conservation Program png/99/G41 Jeff Kinch April 2001 unops contract for Services Ref
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Recommendation: 20. Investigate a cooperative relationship with marine resource exporters and buyers, who could be involved in extension work delivering management and quality control messages to remote communities. Other Interests During 1998 and 1999 a new fishery venture was under consideration by Misima Landowners and a private Australian company. To optimise the operation’s returns, a large range of fishing methods were to be investigated. These would include hand lining for reef fish; trolling; long lining for specific species such as tuna or shark; drop lining in deep water, fish traps and netting. Crayfish, trochus shell, beche-de-mer and mudcrabs were also to be considered for harvesting. Live reef fish for direct export was also under consideration (Elfin, 1997). Another potential project involved was a consortium called Horizon Resources Pty Ltd, which is an incorporated and registered Papua New Guinea company, with Australian shareholders. It entered into joint venture negotiations with the Yele Trading Company Pty Ltd, which is owned by landowners within the Louisiade Archipelago and Calvados Chain (see Horizon Resources, 1998). It also wished to embrace all aspects of the fishing industry. Its estimated start-up cost was 7 million dollars. Nothing has eventuated so far. . Strait-Up Seafoods (a subsidiary of Rebel Marine) based at Thursday Island in Australia, has investigated the possibility of opening a fishing business in West New Britain, Central, Madang and Milne Bay Provinces with an idea to start floating fish factories in these Provinces targeting lobster, crabs and fish (Torres Strait Seafoods, 2000). After their investigations they have now set up village-based industries involving marine resources in Central and West New Britain Provinces (see Orroroo, 2000). It appears that one of the major limiting factors for fisheries development is the high cost of set-up and increasing interest rates. Political influences also play a role in siting of such projects. There also may not be enough fish stocks to attract new players to participate in fisheries in Milne Bay. The Long Liner Issue Poachers and illegal fishermen have been a concern of Governments both before and since Independence. As early as the 1920s, in one of the many Bwagaoia Patrol Reports for that year, Zimmer (1922-23) described Japanese fishing boats poaching in the lagoon at Brooker (CBMMCA 3). The peak period for illegal entry from foreign fishermen was between 1967-1981, which saw sightings and arrests of numerous long-range Taiwanese fishing vessels, targeting the adductor muscles of the larger clam species. This activity reached its peak in the mid-1970s then subsided in the face of depleted stocks, strong international pressures and improved surveillance of reef areas (see Lucas, 1994). Taiwanese fishermen used to come regularly to Brooker waters and their trade debris and terminology can still be found in the villages. According to Standing (1975), . . . Sabarl and Panawina villagers accused Brooker and Motorina peoples of trading with Taiwanese vessels. . Far from reporting the presence of these vessels to the government, [they] are openly trading [with them] and in so doing encouraging them to become bolder in their operation (Standing, 1975). Brooker people accepted the Taiwanese, and worked with them, because they brought rice, whiskey, tobacco and other commodities. They were perceived to be more reliant in services than the Provincial Government. However, not all their activities were welcome: People seem to be getting increasingly aware of the long-range harmful effects through depletion of future resources. . . . A man at Brooker Island complained that some Taiwanese fishermen had gone ashore at his island of Panapwa [in the Bramble Haven Group] and stolen coconuts and pawpaws and done damage to trees (Bartlett, 1975). These same Taiwanese fishermen are now blamed by Brooker islanders for the depletion of clam stocks. At Tubetube (CBMMCA 2) there was considerable dissatisfaction with the common poaching by foreign (mostly Taiwanese) trawlers in the 1980s. Older people blamed the depletion of local fish and turtle stocks on this poaching (Macintyre 1983a: 64). Babo and Genolagani (1981) on a visit to Ware (CBMMCA 3) to survey the area for a possible marine reserve, stressed the need for tighter surveillance of the Taiwanese. There is a now a recurrent fear amongst communities in CBMMCAs 2 and 3 that outsiders may well overfish local waters. This is especially the case for clam, beche-de-mer and trochus. The absence of policing and surveillance in these areas means that whilst villagers on outer islands often witness what seem to be illegal fishing practices by outsiders, there is little that can be done to prevent such activities. It has been found in the recent weeks that foreign fishing vessels could also use the passage as a license to sneak into the islands in the area to harvest the marine products such as fish, giant clams etc (Tauliso, 1990b). In 2000 a fleet of PNG flag long liners have been using Alotau as a refuelling port. Local fishermen have consistently been reporting sightings of these fishing vessels illegally fishing within the 3 nautical miles Zone from the shore. Regular sightings are reported throughout CBMMCAs 2 and 3 including the Conflict group and Bramble Haven reef systems, and Zone 2. One of these long liners, Man I Isheng II ran aground in April 2000 at the northwest corner of the Jomard Entrance (11º 11.68S, 152º 04.43E) an international shipping lane that cuts across Milne Bay Province (Kinch, 2000f) and was initially abandoned. It was subsequently salvaged after being stripped. The vessel is holed on its underneath and is sitting upright on the reef in about 2 metres of water. Even though some diesel fuel was found to be floating on the water, there was no fuel on the vessel as local boats and fishing vessels from Nako Fisheries had already siphoned of the remaining fuel. Oil that was seen to be floating on the surface in large globules was later identified as fish oil, which was coming from the catch of rotting fish that was still on the vessel. Dead fish was also reported to have washed up on the shore of Enivala Island. Even though the wreck was not deemed substantial the area is a prime harvesting area for local peoples for marine resources and is also of concern as this area was once identified as a Wildlife Management Area in the mid-1970s. Also as the wreck occurred in a major shipping lane the Milne Bay Provincial Government should consider a contingency plan for larger ship and consequent fuel spills (Kinch, 2000f). Two other long-liners ran aground in 2000, both in CBMMCA 3. One of these was at the Long/Kosmann Reef and the other was next to the major gardening island of Brooker people at Panapatpat. Companies that are involved are Neptune Fisheries, Coco Enterprises, and Yuwan Fisheries, which are based in Port Moresby. In 2001, four longliners were impounded by the Milne Bay Government for having large quantities of sharkfin on board. Villagers in the CBMMCAs are well aware of the threats to marine resources posed by long-liners and other illegal fishing activities. Concerns are being raised in the CBMMCAs that the fate of their marine resources seems to be decided as a result of deals done in other places, which they have no control over. They have no role in the issuance of fishing licenses to foreign and domestic companies. Greater local involvement and greater transparency is needed. The absence of policing and surveillance in the area means that whilst villagers in the CBMMCAs often witness what seems to be illegal activities, there is little that can be done to prevent such activities. Villagers lack the capacity to respond, and local police and fisheries staff are under-resourced. Other Shipping Threats In 1993, a Taiwanese fishing trawler ran aground at Liak on the north coast at Misima. The oil spill covered the surrounding sea and almost the entire shoreline within the vicinity. Physical damage caused by the oil spillage was only slight in that there was no significant damage or the signs of damage to life in the sea and on the land. However the significant damage noted is the depriving of peoples access to salt water. Because of oil spillage blackened the surface of the surrounding sea, people were denied the right to salt water usage, which includes cooking, swimming, washing (especially for lactating mothers) and even fishing (Minn, 1993). On the evening of June 14th 2000 the Consort Chartered ship MV Gazelle Coast ran aground on the reefs off Igwali (Mekinley) Island near Sariba Island, and some oil leaked. There was destruction of the marine habitat. A claim was been made against Consort Express Line for K 500,000 compensation (Poate et al, 2000). Unregulated shipping can be a threat to the MBP goal of protecting a significant amount of Milne Bay's biodiversity. The Milne Bay Government's emergency services are under-resourced and a major accident or oil spill would surely push the limits of the government’s capacity to contain it. Recommendation: 21. Address the need for a strong surveillence component to be built at all levels of government and at the community level. The Live Reef Fish Trade The Live Reef Fish Trade (LRFT) fishery started in Hong Kong and the Philippines in the 1980s to supply local consumers. It has now spread as far as the Maldives in the west and out into the Pacific in the east. It is largely uncontrolled, and many operators use cyanide. Two live reef fish operations were previously established in Milne Bay Province: one in the Trobriand Islands and the other in the D’Entrecausteaux Islands. The latter was a joint operation with a Hong Kong company and a local Youth Organisation supported by the National Youth Office. This operation took place from 1997 and 1998 with approximately 20 tonnes of fish recorded for export (Anas, Kumoru and Lokani, 2000). This operation was reported to be using cyanide and numerous villagers who were working for the operation suffered from poisoning. Live fish harvesting was considered by the now-defunct Coral Sea Fisheries (CSF) (Mounsey, 1996) based at Misima and operating in Zones 1 and 2, but particularly targeting CBMMCA 3. A Malaysian live fish company called Moti International was registered in 1998 and was to be based at Nivani (CBMMCA 2), though nothing has followed since then. There is currently a moratorium in place and no licenses are being granted. However two operations to be based in the New Guinea Islands Region are currently under consideration by NFA. The expansion of the LRFT into Papua New Guinea poses a possible threat to the MBP. Commercially Exploited Species Beche-de-mer Fishery In the Engineers (CBMMCA 2), Chinese beche-de-mer traders were among the first foreigners in the area in the 19th Century, bartering with Tubetube people for beche-de-mer, pearlshell and other shell, and employing some men as both divers and assistants (Macintyre 1983a). Exploitation declined in the latter half of the 19th century probably because of overfishing, whilst a slump in trade after 1930 was due to the embargo of trade to China caused by the Sino-Japanese war, followed by the continued restrictions on external trade under the Chinese communist government. The beche-de-mer fishery in Milne Bay Province up until the 1980s appears to have been a haphazard affair. In 1973, the Central Planning Office (1973) describes the industry in Milne Bay: Efforts have failed because of the unreliable approach by indigenous producers to the important and not uncomplicated problem of curing. There is no doubt that the beche-de-mer is here in commercial quantities, but it will not become an industry unless an individual trader sets himself up with the job of supervising processing from the time the slug is extracted from the sea until its ultimate export overseas. The beche-de-mer fishery in Milne Bay Province is presently an artisanal fishery, which involves the villages around the coast and island communities. The present boom cycle in the fishery commenced in 1988 partly due to declines in production from other bêche-de-mer producers in Southeast Asia and partly due to the easing of restrictions on trade with China. An example, of the “get rich quick” mentality that prevailed at the time comes from the Trobriands. In 1987, a company called ‘Sandfish Enterprises Ltd’ was formed as a joint venture between John Kasipalova and some Asian investors. The company used poorly paid local labour, and conducted operations in locations considered to be traditional fishing grounds of the villagers. The company completely wiped out the beche-de-mer within a year, then packed up and moved to adjacent islands leaving in its wake disgruntled villagers and over-exploited marine resources (Tom'tavala, 1990, 1992). Harvesting is done by hand-collection or free-diving and requires little or no capital investment. In deeper waters people use lead weights with small harpoons attached. The weight is dropped by divers swimming on or just under the surface. The hooked animal is then brought back to the surface. Beche-de-mer requires a large supply of fuelwood, which may not be available in large quantities on small islands and can lead to severe deforestation. This is evident on some of the islands utilised as bases for Brooker (CBMMCA 3) diving expeditions. Preston (1993: 395) suggests that 10 tonnes of firewood is needed to process 1 tonne of beche-de-mer. Beche-de-mer is usually boiled for a period of 2-3 hours. After boiling the stomach is removed either by cutting down the length of the body in the case of black teat, white teat and prickly redfish, or by reaming a stick down the inside of them in the case of black and greenfish. The final export quality products’ weighs from 10-20% of the original live specimen (Lokani and Ada, 1998; Anon, 1979; Conand, 1979; Preston, 1990). The water remaining from beche-de-mer processing can be harmful to marine organisms if dumped in shallow, near shore waters, resulting in fish kills due to the concentration of toxic substances (Carpenter and Maragos, 1989). Numerous laws have been made for the protection of beche-de-mer stocks in PNG, one of the oldest being the Pearl, Pearl Shell and Beche-de-mer Ordinance 1911-1932 (Papua). These were passed with the aim of protecting villager rights to make a living from these resources. Today, in Milne Bay, the National Fisheries Authority (NFA) has gazetted the Milne Bay Beche-de-mer Management Plan (2000) for regulation of the industry (also see van Helden, 2001) and a Provincial Beche-de-mer Management Committee has been put in place. Little extension work has been done on size limits to advise fishermen. Knowledge of recommended wet lengths, which should be collected for drying are virtually unknown by fishermen throughout the Province as noticed in recent CI patrols. The author on return from one patrol organised educational leaflets that were distributed to communities in Zones 1 and 2, conducted workshops in villages and had them translated into the local Misiman and Ware languages for broadcast over Milne Bay radio. Also because of the high price paid for beche-de-mer, it is difficult to enforce bans (see Jaymes, 2000b). In the 2000-closed season, people from both the Engineers and the Deboynes (CBMMCA 2) were still out harvesting. This is related to the presence of a local businessman with connection to one of the major exporters based in Alotau (Jaymes, 2000c). Divers were also reported to be poaching beche-de-mer from reefs owned by other islanders. The illegal harvesting was partly related to the drop in copra prices. This also occurred at Nuakata and East Cape. Community enforcement must be in place to quell these activities and alleviate pressure on marine resources. This will be done by capacity building at the WDC level and general awareness campaigns (see Kinch 2001 for more details). The major problem is the high prices paid for beche-de-mer. Further study is required on models of resource extraction. Beche-de-mer will be the major target for sustainable fisheries management in the MBP. Generous resources need to be allocated for awareness and capacity building at the village level for management of these valuable resources in CBMMCSs and the wider CBMMCAs (see Kinch, 2001). A loss of income and depletion of future stocks through the indiscriminate collection and subsequent rejection of undersized bêche-de-mer will cause dire social problems and could lead to destructive fishing practices on Milne Bay reefs. The beche-de-mer fishery has an important role in maintaining rural social stability by providing income-earning opportunities within CBMMCAs where other earning opportunities may be limited by the lack of resources or infrastructure. There is also a need for greater transparency within the business sector that deals with exporting beche-de-mer. Alleged incidents of dealing with undersized illegal product of high value species, corrupting NFA officials and exporting product illegally out of the Province have been raised in the past. The NFA is currently being restructured to deal with these issues. Finally, despite the ban on the use of underwater breathing apparatus and underwater lights for the purpose of fishing for sea cucumbers, these techniques are practiced by some. Undoutedly, there are major opportunities for reform and improvement of this important industry. Communty pressure needs to be applied to unlawful practices and for dealing with 'free rider' elements. Shark Fishery Shark is an expanding income-earning opportunity for people within the CBMMCAs through the preparation of dried fins. Shark-fins contain proteinaceous fibres of elastin and collagen, called fin needles, which are highly prized in Asian markets, primarily for their use in the production of shark-fin soup (Nichols, 1993). The most common species taken in tropical reef systems include the blacklip reef shark (Carcharhinus melantropterus), the lemon shark (Negaprion acutidens) and the whitetip reef shark (Triaenodon obesus). Grey reef sharks (Carcharhinus amblyrhychos), tiger sharks (Galeocerdo cuvieri) and hammerhead species (Sphyrna spp.) are also taken. Within the CBMMCAs the main method used is vertical droplines buoyed as single line are used with a single baited hook suspended from beneath. Common baits are turtles, morays, stingrays and fish. Drying methods of shark fins include sun, wind and smoke drying. Sharks are now coming under pressure from longliners who are supposed to be after a tuna but are instead targeting shark as the main by-product. Recently, two longliners from a Port Moresby registered company were impounded because of this. These same longliners are also a constant source of complaint by villagers in CBMMCAs 2 and 3 who encroach within their three-mile Fishing Zone (see Dindilo, 2000; Israel, 2000a; Jaymes, 2000a). The NFA is currently investigating suitable enforcement and surveillence mechanisms; one avenue is to require longliners to carry transponders. Trochus Fishery Although trochus has always been harvested for subsistence reasons, it is only since early this century that it has been harvested commercially. The fishery had a revival in the mid- to late-1970s when the market value increased considerably when the fashion industry decided to use buttons made from natural products. Trochus catches have fluctuated in recent years as they respond to these outside market forces (Lokani and Ada, 1998). Trochus are collected either by waders on reef flats or by divers in relatively shallow water (< 5m). Despite their cryptic behaviour and inconspicuous algae-covered shells, they are easily spotted by divers and are susceptible to overfishing. Trochus are first boiled and the flesh extracted which is usually consumed, and the dried shell stored. Bagged shell is then sold to tradestores in the village, collected by traders or in some cases sold directly to exporters. Clam Fishery Of the eight species of giant clam, seven occur on Milne Bay reefs. These are Tridacna gigas, Tridacna derasa, Tridacna squamosa, Tridacna maxima, Tridacna crocea, Hippopus hippopus and Hippopus porcellanus. Tridacna derasa is not recorded from the Papuan Barrier Reef running along the south coast of Papua New Guinea but makes its appearance of the southeast point of the mainland (Munro, 1993). This is because it prefers clear offshore or oceanic waters. Export of giant clam from Milne Bay Province commenced in 1983 (Lokani and Ada, 1998), through the International Food and Agricultural Development (IFAD) funded Milne Bay Fishing Authority (MBFA) fisheries development program. It was estimated that in the five years that MBFA was exporting clam muscle, an average of 14.28 metric tonnes was taken each year (Munro, 1989). The purchase and export of clam muscle was halted in May 1988 by a ruling from the Department of Environment for conservation reasons. The ban on exporting clam muscle was lifted in 1995 (Ledua, Matoto, Lokani, and Pomat, 1996). Export of clam meat in 1995 was 1000 kgs with a value of 20,000 kina. Clams in Milne Bay are predominantly found on the sheltered sides of fringing reefs, followed by the sheltered sides of barrier reefs, with smaller numbers found on exposed barrier reefs and lagoon reefs, preferring rocky bottoms surrounded by live corals. The overall standing stock of Tridacna gigas was estimated to be approximately 622,742 clams (see Ledua, Matoto, Lokani and Pomat, 1996). Prior to commercial harvesting, Chesher (1980) reported overall densities of Tridacna gigas as 39.26 clams per hectare. Unfished areas of the barrier reef showed concentrations of 90 giant clams/km (Chesher, 1980: 21). The harvesting of clam is mainly carried out by men with the occasional help of women. Fishing methods for clams are exceedingly simple. The flesh is simply excised from the shells by slipping a knife along the inner surface of the shell to cut one end of the adductor muscle. Smaller clams may be collected opportunistically during reef gleaning activities, while larger ones are collected by free diving. Clam muscle exports were finally stopped in 2000 after a private fishing company was allegedly found to be taking wild stock rather than farmed and thus breaching its licensing agreements with NFA and the Office of Environment (OEC) (see Kinch, 2000f; Timothy, 2000; Israel, 2000b). This company was not fined. This private fishing company's main purchase area was the Calvados Chain (CBMMCA 3 and Zone 2). In 1998, it purchased 4651 kg of clam muscle from this area alone and came under much criticism for the harvesting of clam muscle (see Sailoia, 1996; Merpe, 1996). During recent years, Brooker people (CBMMCA 3) were observed using illegal methods of harvesting (as proposed by the draft Milne Bay Clam Fishery Management Plan) to supply clam muscle to this private fishing company in Alotau. People drop weights attached to ropes into the open clam, the clam shuts and it is then hauled to the surface where the animal is then cut out of the shell. This activity is quite widespread and has caused recent conflict between communities, dive operators and the fishing company (see Halstead, 2000; Eastern Star, 2000b,c,d; The Independent, 2000). This fishing company was paying better prices for larger muscle thus providing an incentive for fishermen to target bigger clams. Purchases of clam muscle from Brooker from January to September 1999 resulted in 697 kgs of clam muscle harvested or 2140 giant clams being taken for a value of K4766 (Kinch, 1999). The muscle accounts for about 10% of the clam’s soft tissue weight and 1 to 2% of its total weight in the large Tridacna gigas and Tridacna derasa that are fished (Lucas, 1994). It is a feature of giant clam biology that stocks will become non-sustaining when densities fall below certain undefined levels. If a reef is entirely stripped of clams, repopulation will depend entirely on planktonic larvae brought in from other reefs by prevailing currents. Once the population is reduced below a certain level even subsistence fishing may be sufficient to keep the clam below recruitment levels. If the reef is isolated or the current direction is unfavourable, the re-establishment of a stock could take hundreds of years (Munro, 1993). Quotas could be determined for individual areas on the basis of stock appraisals. Such a system implemented and monitored by the MBP could also encourage individuals or communities to develop clam gardens, in which undersized clams could be grown out to a saleable size. Blacklip Fishery Blacklip is derived from the species Pinctada magaratifera and is commonly found where the water is silty. Pinctada margaritifera occurs in lagoons, bays and sheltered reef areas to around 40 mts in depth, but is most abundant just below low-water (Sims, 1993: 209). These shells make up a small quantity of income as they are harvested indirectly. They are taken opportunistically by local fishremen. Fish Fishery Milne Bay Province has the largest reef area (32%) in Papua New Guinea and contains the largest reef fish potential yield by Province, which is estimated at 10,296 tonnes (Lokani and Ada, 1998). It has been estimated that there are a total of 1762 varied fish species in Papua New Guinea waters, with an additional 80 species unverified (Opnai and Aitisi, 1995). At present, there are 1313 fish species known from Milne Bay waters (see Conservation International 1998; Seeto, 2000). Fish consumption in the CBMMCAs is seasonally dependent. In the months of June and July, the silvertail spiny foot or mullet makes up a greater portion of fish consumed as at this time it is netted in quite abundant numbers. Another important species is the ox-eye scad. If one is out diving in the islands, fish catchwill be predominantly reef or trolling species. Fish consumption by villagers is proportionally higher on the islands when on expeditions than in the village. Crayfish Fishery The double-spined ornate lobster (Panulirus pencillatus) and the spiny lobster (Panulirus ornatus) are the most commonly exploited species. The painted coral lobster (Panulirus versicolor) makes a small contribution to the catch as does the long legged spiny lobster (Panulirus longpipes). Lobsters are most commonly caught by spearing while free-diving on the reef-slope and crest. Collection at night using underwater torches is often more effective than during the day when lobsters tend to reside in crevices and in the reef. Spearing is an unsatisfactory technique as it tends to discolour the tail. This is overcome by soaking the craytail in a brine solution for a few minutes, which essentially bleaches the meat white. At present only tails are purchased with the bodies and legs being discarded or eaten by villagers. Purchases of crayfish from Brooker (CBMMCA 3) from January to September 1999 resulted in 1,035 kgs of craytails or 5,175 animals being taken for a value of K 8,280 (Kinch, 1999). Areas of Exploitation Since the only detailed data for exploitation levels and areas for any of the communities come from the recent research by Kinch (1999), this data for Brooker (CBMMCA 3) will be the only area discussed in detail. Information from the CBMMCAs 1 and 2 is still limited. In CBMMCA 1, Nuakata people utilise home reefs, Daiwali and Bwelama, Gaimaniggiu, Tayalibalabala and Gomana areas. East Cape people only have access to reefs close to the shore. The Deboyne Islands and the Engineer Group (CBMMCA 2) utilise their own home areas. These areas contribute 70% of the total of beche-de-mer taken in Brooker waters. The Bramble Haven, Nagobi and Nabaina Islands are the most heavily exploited areas for Brooker. These are also the areas that are targeted by the MBP as possible areas for CBMMCSs because they are the last frontiers and also have the highest biodiversity. The islands of Nabaina and Nagobi are also at the centre of a territorial dispute between Brooker and Ware Islanders. If these areas are to be managed as CBMMCSs then this calls into question the costs and benefits of the MBP (see Mitchell et al, 2001) and the necessity of WDCs and other institutions to undertake conflict mediation (see Kinch, 2001). Table 58: Areas of Exploitation Recorded by Brooker (CBMMCA 3) Tradestore Purchases in Kg: January-September 1999 (Source: Kinch, 1999)
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