Social Evaluation Study for the Milne Bay Community-Based Coastal and Marine Conservation Program png/99/G41 Jeff Kinch April 2001 unops contract for Services Ref

Before Western contact and the introduction of a cash economy, it was customary to exchange turtles for garden produce. Turtle trading by Brooker communities to Misima expanded after World War II. Currently, an average of 50 turtles are traded each year. Now with modern telecommunications, people ring up Brooker and place orders for turtles for religious and community festivals. Turtles are sometimes also sold to villages on Misima and surrounding islands, with the going price being 50 kina for a green turtle and 30 kina for a hawksbill. People also sell turtlemeat at markets, though this is rare. Pressure on turtles is presumed to increase if there is a crash in beche-de-mer stocks.

An awareness campaign as part of the MBP would be an asset as there have been constant complaints of people wantonly killing turtles and leaving them to rot (by local people and alledgely a local fishing company). In 1996, the Environment Officer had noticed turtles being slaughtered at the Conflict Group (CBMMCA 2) and left to rot without the meat being consumed or taken to market to be sold (see Eastern Star, 1996). A letter was sent to all Wards detailing that landowners must start taking care of these islands with the view of conserving the habitat as well as the animals. In 2000, there was an incident where several turtles were killed and left to rot. The Milne Bay Government previously had been broadcasting turtle awareness programs over the local airwaves and these should be a continuing initiative.

Dugong is not an important food source for communities in the CBMMCAs in Zone 1 as most areas do not have suitable feeding grounds for these animals. Islands in Zones 2 and 3 have higher populations of dugong and subsequently higher levels of hunting.

Shell species that are commonly consumed by households include the commercially harvested species of clam, blacklip and trochus, species used for subsistence only include Lambis spp., Strombus luhunus, mangrove oyster, Trochus maculatus and Turbo spp. Women and girls are the predominant collectors with men occasionally helping. Strombus luhunus is harvested by gleaning sandy reef flats and is often used as a trade item.

Subsistence trading in the Zones promotes regional economic specialisations based upon ecological constraints and impels the production of surpluses of garden produce, pigs, pots and other household and ceremonial items. Lepowsky (1995), who worked mainly on Sudest, described inter-island canoe voyaging as central to the economy, ritual life and cosmology on most of the islands of Zones 1 and 2 even after six generations of involvement with the wider world following colonialisation. She describes the sailing canoe and long distance maritime voyaging as key symbols of regional pride and identity.

Results from the Nuakata Fisheries Survey in 1999-2000 found that within the previous six months, 65% (43 households out of 76) said they had gone trading. East Cape is the most popular place for trading accounting for 45% of all visits, with the villages of Barabara, Kurada, Gudimuri, Yeluyelua, Gui, Sewa Bay and Bunama on South Normanby being other regular visiting places. The average length of stay at these places ranged from two days (26%) to a week or longer (16%). Forty percent stayed for a period of three days. The most commonly exported goods were fish, clam, and betelnut. In return people obtained garden foods like yams and taro and money (Kelokelo and Kinch, 2000). East Cape people export clay pots to Normanby, Nuakata and Dobu Islands in exchange for food (yams, taro) and betelnut, and in recent times have exported Polynesian chestnuts to Ware.

Pre-1880, Tubetube in the Engineers seems to have occupied the dominant position in inter-island trade in the Southern Massim area, but by 1890 it had been supplanted in this role by Ware (CBMMCA 3) (MacIntyre 1983a). While trading and exchanges were mutually exclusive activities, disputes over trading led to violent confrontations. Alliances were often broken and evidence from oral tradition and contemporary observers at the time of initial European contact reveal that the paths of trade were often disrupted by war. Seligman commented on Tubetube's belligerent reputation at the time:

Eastern natives we met had just the qualities of the Tube-Tube folk, who sailed the troubled commercial waters and rough seas with something of the insouciance of the English merchant venturer of Elizabeth’s days; laden for trade, but armed for combat, their spears were quite as sharp as their wit, and they themselves equally ready to use either as circumstances might require. (Seligman & Strong 1906:240)

The two island communities of Ware and Brooker, although a considerable distance apart, share several major characteristics. Most significantly, both fall towards the trading end of the continuum between self-sufficient agricultural producers and trading communities. While they differ in specific agricultural regimes, in the relative importance of migration and remittances, and in their location vis-a-vis markets and services (Alotau and Misima), the specialised maritime trading focus of both these communities sets them apart from most of the other CBMMCAs.

Inter-island subsistence trade is still important, now using a combination of workboats, fibreglass speedboats and sailing canoes. The latter are more important in the east in the Engineers (CBMMCA 2). The construction of planked, deep-water, sailing canoes (sailau) is an important specialist activity on Panaeati. The island has an important resource in the hardwood timber (Calophyllum inophyllum known as malauwi) (see Damon 1998) which is used for canoe construction (Berde, 1974). During the 20^th century, the islanders established a virtual monopoly for building sailau in the Zones 1 and 2. The canoes are built under contract (often in exchange for a range of both cash and other valuables) for purchasers in the Calvados Chain and Sudest. There is now a noticeable decline in this valuable tree and people have to go to more inaccessible parts of the island to get suitable trees.

A canoe is the most valuable convertible store of wealth. They are obtained through a number of methods. They are given as bridewealth, built under contract or purchased directly. Canoes are traded extensively throughout the archipelago. In 1999, seven canoes were traded out of Brooker to islands in the eastern Louisiades. Prices differ for the purchase of canoes depending on the relationships between sellers and purchasers and the size of the canoe. Dinghies are beginning to circumvent the place of sailing canoes. Everyone wants one. For, example on Brooker they had one dinghy in 1999 to 12 in early 2001. People desire them so they can look wider and collect more beche-de-mer faster. The increase in dinghy use also represents an increase in household income due to the value of beche-de-mer. However, sailaus will still remain an important item.

There seems little doubt that land pressure and shortage as well as lack of food availability, are both current and future problems in ZONE 1. There is a greater awareness and tension over land availability and land previously uncultivated, now being brought into cultivation. There is also a steady reduction of forested areas particularly at Panaeati in CBMMCA 2. This is affecting their place as the centre for canoe production. This may also be linked to the increased value of marine resources, which has precipitated an efflorescence of dinghies now being sought for the quest of more marine resources.

Cash flow at the village level is reliant on the villager earning money and then spending it at home. Sources of income include the sale of marine resources and copra, and the traditional economy of canoes, pots, pigs and ceremonial objects described previously. Local demand for cash is generally highest in the January to May period. This is traditionally the time of least food availability, often worsened by frequent droughts and cyclones, which affect the area during this season. Also school fees and other debts, particularly credit at tradestores, contribute to an increase in the sale of marine produce.

This CBMMCA is distinguished by the mainland community of East Cape that is more agriculturally orientated than its neighbouring communities of Nuakata and Iabam/Pahilele, who are more marine-based communities. Presumably, there is more reliance on agricultural production for income at East Cape, and more on marine production from the two island communities, but data are not yet available.

Fifty-eight percent of households said they did not receive any remittances.

As described by Macintyre (1983a), the economy of the Engineers has long been based on four strategies. These are subsistence, cash earning, pottery, and transport. The relative significance of each of these has varied according to local circumstances such as drought or market prices. In the Engineer Group until the early 1980s, copra was the major source of cash, providing incomes of K150-200 annually per household (Macintyre 1983a; Milne Bay Rural Development Study, 1981). In 1994, households were said to be still producing 5-10 bags each annually, though drought during the previous two years had reduced production (Hide et al, 1994). Given the current trend it is likely that copra production will contract even further.

There have been significant changes in the economy of Ware over the last 50 years. Trade and transport (with a fleet of sailing cutters) were important. Boat building has been a traditional craft in Ware since the 1920s but is now in decline. Ten years ago there were six boats (up to 10 metres long) in various stages of construction (Benjamin and Hayes, 1993), and about 10 boats are currently in operation.

Around 1910 several large companies, individuals and missions developed copra plantations in Milne Bay. In the 1920s there was a mixture of village plantings and expatriate developments on alienated land that saw many plantations established in the Deboyne, Conflicts and Torlesse Island groups (CBMMCA 2). In 1934, a coconut processing company was established, obtaining supplies of coconuts from small plantations and villages. The beginning of World War II disrupted further development of the plantations. The 1960s and ‘70s saw increased production in association with the co-operative movement particularly throughout CBMMCA 3. As many plantations went over their productive years, local ones took over only to experience a collapse in shipping. Copra was previously the main income for most island communities. This has changed with fluctuating and depressed prices and senescence of plantations.

The Copra Marketing Board withdrew its sub-depot facilities in Bwagaioa shortly after MML started operations when copra production fell as a result of many producers opting to take work with the mine. This means that any copra produced must be shipped directly to Alotau for sale. The sub-depot at Samarai facilitates purchases from Ware (CBMMCA 3) and the Engineers (CBMMCA 2). All CBMMCAs can ship direct to Alotau if they choose. Several smaller depots usually attached to canteens in the Engineers will also purchase copra from small holders. It is estimated that at present a producer in the Deboyne Islands (CBMMCA 2) would get a return after transport costs of less than K500 per hectare of copra, probably a whole lot less actually with the falling prices of this commodity. High transport costs discourage production.

No other crops have been as important as copra. Very small amounts of cocoa and coffee have been produced in the past. Chillies were once trialed as a cash crop on the outlying islands as it is a low-volume crop. It was thought to be particularly suited for growing conditions of the islands and extension work was carried out from 1969 to the late-1970s. Chillie prices dropped at this time and they were abandoned as an income source. One thing that may have contributed to the decline in both copra and chillie production was the beginning of the Milne Bay Fishing Authority, which later saw the building of a freezer purchase station on Brooker (CBMMCA 3) and other areas of Milne Bay. Chillie was again pushed between 1987 to 1990 under the Small Islands Development Program. The Small Islands Program which started in 1983 was part of a wider program aimed to diversify cash cropping and improve subsistence and nutrition in three small island populations in the Marshall Bennett, East Calvados Chain (Zone 2) and the Amphlett Islands (Zone 3) (Department of Primary Industries, 1983).

A number of other export cash crops have potential. Nutmeg trees already grow at Misima (arriving from the Moluccas about 30 years ago) and are well suited to the climate. At Misima, they are known to fruit earlier at three years than the normally recorded seven years, with an expected yield of 25 kg of nutmeg and mace per tree. This has been marketed before from Milne Bay in small quantities through the 1970s and ‘80s. Nutmeg needs no silviculture attention and the processing is uncomplicated, just requiring sun drying for 7-10 days. The potential cash income may be around K250 per tree for the nutmeg alone (Jackson, 2000). Marketing options are currently being investigated by MML and SMART.

In the latter part of the last century and the early part of this century, beche-de-mer traders and others were tempting villagers into the market economy by offering European goods and operating trade depots. It was not until after the Second World War that tradestores opened throughout the Zones. These were started in 1949 from the small beginnings of a consumer-producer society, and they were originally set up by the Copra Cooperatives, which became operational through the period 1956 to 1961, and tradestores were placed on most islands.

Tradestores today need to buy marine resources off villagers to accumulate the capital to purchase goods to sell back to the people. Tradestore purchases of marine resources from Brooker (CBMMCA 3) in kilograms between the period January 1999-September 1999 amounted to 2,528.8 kgs of beche-de-mer; 1,184.7 kgs trochus; 76.3 kgs of blacklip and 22 kgs of sharkfin (Kinch, 1999). People sell their produce for immediate needs such a rice, flour, sugar, tea, and tobacco. Rice and flour are major staples for communities within Zone1 especially in the time of ‘Huwalu’ and when conducting fishing or diving expeditions. They are also becoming important presentation items. Rice is valued as it comes in easily handled packages and when prepared can satisfy many people. Tradestores are supported by relatives living in urban centres or by the support network of clan, family and friends who favour its patronage (see Brooks, 1996). Members of the same clan will identify with the tradestore and get preferential access to credit.