The politics of authoritarianism: the state and political soldiers in burma, indonesia, and thailand by Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe M. A., University of British Columbia, 1990 B. A., University of Rangoon, 1961
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(x.1) (x.2) ___A_____B_______C_________________________________________D____ (A) BURMA, 1962-current. (B) INDONESIA, 1965-71. (C) INDONESIA, 1971-current. (D) THAILAND, 1932-current. Spectrum 1, which illustrates the degree of military penetration of the civilian administrative bureaucracy, also indicates the extent to which the state is insulated by the military. In Burma, all key administrative positions have been and are still controlled by military officers (active and retired). This is nearly the case in Indonesia as well, but not as extensively as in Burma. The military in Indonesia penetrated the civilian bureaucracy more extensively in the early years of the New Order regime, as the spectrum indicates. In Thailand, although there have been many coups, the civilian bureaucracy has carried on in a largely undisturbed fashion. The penetration by the military of the administrative bureaucracy has been virtually non-existent. Therefore, Thailand stands out as quite different from the situations in Indonesia and Burma. SPECTRUM 2 The Degree to which the Legislature and Political Parties are Autonomous in Military-Authoritarian Regimes. (x.1) = No Legislature; No autonomy (x.2) = Parties and an Election, but Results ignored and Legislature does not Sit (x.3) = Rubber Stamp Legislature; the Government's Party Dominates (x.4) = Democratically Functioning Legislature following Competitive Elections (x.1) (x.2) (x.3) (x.4) ___A___B__________C__________________________F_E______D______ (A) BURMA, 1962-74; THAILAND, 1958-73. (B) BURMA, current (C) BURMA, 1974-88; INDONESIA, 1965-current. (D) THAILAND, 1973-76. (E) THAILAND, 1976-80 (Prem years) (F) THAILAND, 1986-current (post-Prem). Spectrum 2, which illustrates the extent to which the legislature and political parties -- intermediary institutions and channels -- are autonomous in military-authoritarian regimes, also indicates the degree the state becomes (or is made) non-malleable by society. The legislature and political parties in Burma at present are shown as having very little autonomy. Although elections were held in 1990, the results, which gave the opposition a landslide victory, have been ignored, and there is at present no legislature, and no constitution. In the early years of military rule (1962-74), there was no legislature or constitution, and political parties and activities were banned, and hence Burma is shown as being at the far end of the spectrum. In the BSPP years, both the government party (the only party) and the legislature were dom-inated by Ne Win and the military, and thus are shown as rubber stamps. The state in Burma since 1962 has been in this respect highly non-malleable by societal forces. In Indonesia, the legislature has been more or less a rubber-stamp body, and elections are dominated by Golkar, the government's party. Indonesia, at present, is shown as occupying point (C) along with Burma in the BSPP years, but with some significant differences. In Indonesia there are opposition parties and legislators. In the legislature, the government will sometimes amend or withdraw a bill which encounters strong opposition, despite its large majority. Indonesia has also allowed a wide array of NGOs, including some directed at human rights, and the government has established a national Human Rights Commission, which is getting high marks from Western observers. However, despite these advances in general, the state in Indonesia (1965-current) remains quite highly non-malleable by societal forces. Thailand at present is shown near the other end of the spectrum. There is currently a democratically functioning legislature, parties which operate relatively free of state control, and the multi-party elections are fiercely competitive. The state is in this respect quite malleable by societal forces. Thailand has come a long way from where it was under the "Sarit system" (1958-1973) at the far left of the spectrum. SPECTRUM 3 The Autonomy of the State vis-à-vis Society in terms of Responsiveness to Society (Societal Forces and Demands). (x.1) = High State Autonomy, Not Responsive (x.2) = Relatively High State Autonomy, Relatively Responsive (x.3) = The State is Relatively Autonomous, and Quite Responsive (x.1) (x.2) (x.3) ____A__________________B__________________________________C_____ (A) BURMA, current. (B) INDONESIA, current. (C) THAILAND, current. Spectrum 3 looks at the response-autonomy nexus of state-society interaction. The state in Burma since 1962 has been highly autonomous in that it has, for the most part, not provided societal forces with the means to make effective demands on the state. Alternatively, the state has subdued societal demands with the use of force, and by controlling or manipulating intermediary institutions and channels, and, after 1988, by intimidating or repressing opposition activists and leaders. On this spectrum, Burma currently occupies the end of the spectrum that indicates high state autonomy and low response to societal forces and demands. Likewise, the state in Indonesia has used force to subdue some societal demands, controlled or manipulated intermediary institutions and channels, and intimidated or repressed opposition activists and leaders. The state in Indonesia is likewise highly autonomous, but not as unresponsive as in Burma. Opposition parties and leaders, and societal associations -- in particular, the NGOs (in the spheres of labor, human rights, legal aid, and so on), the print media, even semi-political Islamic groups and organizations -- are allowed to organize and, within limits, or from time to time, raise their voices on issues that concern them. The state responds to these voices when expedient (or when it is wiser to do so, than to repress them). Also, the level of repression, intimidation, and coercion varies or fluctuates, depending on the situation and/or locality. Indonesia is currently situated on a point that indicates on the spectrum some, if selective, responsiveness of the state to societal demands. The state in Thailand is currently "democratic", and appears to be somewhat constrained by societal forces which have access to intermediary institutions and channels, and organized groups have been able to participate in politics independently of the state. Thailand is currently situated far to the right of Burma and Indonesia on the spectrum. Comparing Military-Authoritarian Regimes: Burma, Indonesia, and Thailand Examined together, the above spectrums illustrate variations between military-authoritarian regimes in Burma, Indonesia, and Thailand, with respect to two import-ant dimensions relating to the nature of the relationship of the state to society, and vice versa. They are (1) the exclusion/inclusion of societal forces vis-à-vis the political process; and (2) the political distance between the state and society, which throws light on the degree of "fit" in the relationship between society and the state. In the context of the above dimensions, we can classify Burma , in the period covered by this investigation, as the most authoritarian, Thailand as the least authoritarian, or even semi-democratic, with Indonesia in the middle, but somewhat closer to Burma than to Thailand. A brief elaboration of the dimensions follows. Concerning the first dimension, spectrums 1 and 2 show the extent to which society was/is excluded from access to the state and politics (or conversely, the degree the state was/is insulated from, and non-malleable by, society). By examining the degree to which the military penetrates and controls the bureaucracy, and the extent to which legislatures and parties are autonomous or not, we can infer that society in Burma is the most excluded, followed by society in Indonesia. Society in Thailand is the least excluded since the insulation of the state by the military is low, and the state is relatively malleable, for the most part, by societal forces. Concerning the political distance between the state and society, which throws light on the nature of state-society relation and interactions, spectrums 2 and 3, exam-ined together, show the degree to which the state is autonomous from and non-malleable by society. Wide political distance -- as expressed by the non-autonomy of legislatures and political parties, together with the unresponsiveness of the state -- also implies a lack of "fit", or serious dysfunction in political interactions between society and the state. It is clear that in Burma, the political distance (and lack of "fit") between the state and society is greatest. Indonesia lies somewhat in the middle, but closer to Burma. Since the mid-1970s, the political distance in Thailand between society and the state has been the narrowest. In investigating the phenomenon of the military in politics in Burma, Indonesia, and Thailand, I have found that the military is a very important, quite unique, political entity. The militaries in these countries view themselves as extraordinary entities upon which the very existence and continuity of the country and nation is crucially depend-ent, and they believe that they are "saving" the country and nation when they inter-vene. Once the country is "saved", the militaries in these countries tend to stay on because they see themselves as the only force capable of imposing unity, and creating an orderly, disciplined society. The militaries in these three countries have, at times, therefore engaged in the reorganization of the political process and the state, and have established new orders of state-society relations, with soldiers figuring prominently. Over time, they become -- as the power base and political instrument of the chief-turned-ruler -- the "core" of the state, and, in the process, also become privileged ruling sub-stratums that dominate, in varying degrees, the political lives of their states. I have found, in examining the phenomenon of military rule, that an extraordin-ary military leader -- usually its chief, or the head of the most dominant, cohesive faction -- plays a vital role in ensuring that intervention is effective, and also that the re-shaping of the state structures and the state's relationship with society -- according to the military's vision -- are both successful. A strongman-ruler is the most crucial element: he is the one who transforms the military into an effective, politically cohesive instrument and stable political power base of the new order. Importantly, the military strongman, being the chief architect of the new order, is the one upon whose shoulders rest the durability, stability, even the very existence of the military-backed state. Most crucially, he is responsible for ensuring the military's privileged and prominent place in the new order -- which in turn is vital, in many ways, to the ruler's control of the state, and the state's control over social forces, classes, and segments in the societal sphere. I have found that the durability and stability of military-authoritarian regimes in Burma, Indonesia, and Thailand are owed largely to ruling strongmen, such as Ne Win, Suharto, Pibul, and Sarit. What these countries have now become has been shaped by the ways these rulers have established and maintained the organizational configuration of the state; shaped relationships and patterns of autonomy relations between and among elements, and different parts, of the state; maintained the system's equilibrium; fashioned structures and processes that underlie interactions between social forces on one hand, and the state or state actors and institutions, on the other. They have also established the domination-subordination patterns obtaining in these polities. However, possessing different visions, goals, personalities, and styles, I have found that military rulers have created a variety of "military" regimes, of vary-ing complexity, with varying degrees of authoritarianism practiced. However, since nothing lasts forever -- not even "strong" military-authoritarian regimes and their chief architects -- and since changes take place in socio-economic conditions, in relationships, in the environment (especially external), and, importantly in the age of the strongman-ruler, there comes a time when these regimes have to con-front problems arising from change, and often, the crisis of decline and/or renewal. The military in Thailand, as the study shows, has been persuaded, for the most part, to withdraw from politics (despite its brief return in 1990-1991), thanks largely to the efforts of the King and Prem, the de-facto military strongman-ruler. In Burma, the military has clung to power, relying completely on the instruments of coercion. Military unity, a critical factor in SLORC's continuing rule, has been cemented by a fear that binds, and also by Ne Win, who, although greatly aged, is nonetheless still the strongman of Burma. Indonesia is at the moment entering a period of uncertainty, arising from the probability that Suharto might not be around or in full control for much longer. Its future stability and the long-term viability of its now more or less viable institutions will likely hinge on how Suharto resolves the problem of succession. Needless to say, the successor-ruler will have to achieve a number of things Suharto has achieved: simultaneously ensuring the military's dominance and subordination, and its political cohesion; granting the government's political party (Golkar) some autonomy vis-à-vis the military; balancing military and other power factions; maintaining the operational autonomy of the civilian administrative bureaucracy vis-à-vis the military and governmental politicians; co-opting potential opposition forces and neutralizing the actual opposition; keeping the masses depoliticized by various means (through coercion, restrictions, and patrimonial responses to their needs, especially economic), while cautiously liberalizing to defuse pent up urban demand for more political participation, in addition to overseeing important policy issues and affairs, so as to retain performance legitimacy. Because Suharto has succeeded in these endeavors, he epitomizes the kind of ruler that fulfills the military's vision of the type of state-society order it prefers, the kind that inspires soldiers to "stay on" in politics. The successor-ruler will have to accomplish all these things while possessing, at least initially, less power and legitimacy. If he cannot, then the system will change, and there is a good possibility that the military will try to reassert its full political dominance. To conclude, this thesis has attempted to fill a gap in the literature about what happens when the military intervenes to oust the leaders of a state, and then decides to retain power and to reorganize the political system into a military-authoritarian state. For two of the states investigated, the military has held power, although not identical power, for more than three decades, and for the third, fifteen coups have brought the military regularly to power, where it has ruled for varying length of time. This investigation has shown that there are a number of overlapping political motives and justifications for intervening that show considerable similarity in the cases studied, and, second, that the question of whether or not the military stays on to rule seems to depend on the presence of an effective military strongman, backed by a unified military. It is clear that the military will not be unified unless a strongman emerges to impose his will on the organization. If the military strongman cannot unify the military and keep it unified, his position will be jeopardized. This may lead to coups or the military's temporary retreat to the barracks. The military strongman's position will also be complicated and weakened when he has to depend upon the sanction of an important legitimizing force, such as a highly esteemed constitutional monarch. This investigation has also shown that the type of military-authoritarian system that results when the military reorganizes the state can vary considerably. The three cases studied, all from the same region geographically, illustrate the diversity. In one case, there exists a nearly pure praetorian state where the military is involved in, and controls virtually all aspects of, state activity, and the state is highly autonomous from society. In the second case, there is an authoritarian state where power below the top is shared among military and civilian elites, and, while the state is highly autonomous, it is also somewhat responsive to society. In the third case, a state with a tradition of military intervention, and military-authoritarian rule co-existing with a stable civilian bureaucracy, appears to be undergoing a transition to democratic civilian rule, operating in the face of a military that is politically interested, but currently reluctant to intervene without the sanction of the monarch. Further, it has become clear from the inquiry, that whether the state is highly autonomous from society or not, the state has not been sufficiently insulated or autonomous from its own political elites, and corruption and abuse of power have been found to be excessive in all three cases investigated. Only in the nearly pure praetorian state, however, could the system be termed a "kleptocracy". Finally, it has become apparent from this thesis research that, although the global democratizing trend is hopeful, it is not so easy to get the politicized military to go back to the barracks to stay. BIBLIOGRAPHY Abdulgani, Roeslan. 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--------"Masses in Revolt Against Stifling Authoritarian Grip" Far Eastern Economic Review (FEER) (25 August 1988), pp. 12-13. --------Melinda Liu, "Inside Bloody Burma", Newsweek (October 3, 1988), pp. 30-32. --------Bertil Lintner, "Passing in the Dark", FEER (3 November 1988), p.17. --------Daniel Benjamin, "Burma: New Repression In A Country Under the Boot", Time Magazine (August 14,1989), pp. 36-41. --------Steven Erlanger, "Burma Becomes a Test Case in Human-Rights Politics", New York Times (January 15, 1989) [Burma News Data, Vol.1/1, 1993, p.12]. --------Bertil Lintner, "Army of Occupation", FEER (23 May 1991), p. 13. --------Erskine McCullough, "Terror Continues Under Secret Rule of Ne Win", Bangkok Post (September 9, 1991) [Burma News Data, Vol.1/2, 1993; p. 20]. --------Bertil Lintner, "Rangoon's Rubicon: Infrastructure Aid Tightens Peking's Control", FEER (February 11, 1993), p. 28. --------"Bangkok Declaration of the Asian Regional Meeting on Human Rights", Bangkok Post (April 3, 1993) [Burma News Data, Vol.2/2, 1994; p. 11]. --------Editorial ("ASEAN should Follow Japan and Disavow Burma's SLORC"), The Nation (Bangkok), April 5, 1993, p. A6. --------"Burma's Road of Shame", Asia Inc., Vol.2/10 (October 1993), pp. 36-43. --------"Foreign Investment in Burma", Burma Alert, Vol.5/4, March 1994, pp.7-8. --------Thant Myint-U, "Trading With the Enemy", FEER (March 10,1994), p. 33. --------"UN Projects and Funding for Burma", Burma Alert, Vol.5/4 (April 1994), p. 5. --------"Burmese MP among those held in the North", Bangkok Post (April 2, 1995) [Posted on Burmanet, April 2, 1995]. --------John Stackhouse, "Investment Boom Strikes Burma", The Globe and Mail (April 10, 1995), p. A.8. --------Lee Kim Chew, "Changes in Myanmar's Policies Spell New Openings for Investors", The Straits Times (Singapore), September 19, 1995 [Posted on Burmanet, September 19, 1995]. --------"The SLORC Cabinet", Burma Alert, Vol.7/6, June 1996, p. 7. --------Vijay Joshi, "Lee Kwan Yew Defends Burma", Associated Press (Posted on Burmanet, June 8, 1996). --------"A Strange kind of Non-Interference", The Nation, Bangkok (posted on Burmanet, 22 June, 1996). -------"SLORC Investment Increasing?", Burma Alert, Vol.8/2 (February 1997), p. 7. INDONESIA: MEDIA ARTICLES (In chronological order) --------David Jenkins, "Adam's Heavenly Warning", FEER (29 June 1979), pp. 30-31. --------Susumu Awanohara, "Clamp Down on the 50", FEER (22 November 1984), pp. 16-17. --------Michael Vatikiotis, "All Rights Reserved: Free Trade Unions Strains Government Tolerance", FEER (6 December 1990), pp. 15-16. --------Michael Vatikiotis, "Wisdom of the Elders: Suharto Seizes Initiative and Reasserts Leadership", FEER (30 August 1990), pp. 10-11. --------Michael Vatikiotis, "Unrepentent Critic", FEER (27 September 1990), pp. 12-13. --------Michael Vatikiotis, "Charity Begins at Home: Indonesian Social Foundations Play Major Economic Role", FEER (4 October 1990), pp. 62-64, --------Michael Vatikiotis, "The Cash Conduit", FEER (4 October 1990), 62-63. -------- Michael Vatikiotis, "Glasnost or 100 Flowers: Suharto's Openness Call Evokes Mixed Reviews", in FEER (18 October 1990), pp. 23-24. -------- John McBeth, "The Muslim Ticket: Suharto Courts Islamic Intellectuals", FEER (20 December 1990), pp. 32-34. -------- Adam Schwarz, "Pressures of Work: Growing Labor Unrest Triggers Government Reaction", FEER (20 June 1991), pp.14-16. --------"In Suharto's Shadow", The Economist (9 May 1992), pp. 33-34. --------Suhaini Aznam, "The Guessing Game" FEER (March 4, 1993), p.19. --------John McBeth, "Party Patron: Suharto's Party Picks First Civilian Leader", FEER (4 November 1993), p. 14. --------John McBeth, "Rude Awakening: Press Ban shocks the Emerging Middle Class", FEER (7 July 1994), pp. 18-20. --------John McBeth, "Widening Ripples: Magazine Closures Continue to Stir Opposition", FEER (14 July 1994), pp.17-18. --------John McBeth, "Loyal House: But Parliament is Becoming More Animated", FEER (8 September 1994), pp. 32-35. --------Margot Cohen, "High Anxiety: Government Proposal Could Crimp NGO Activities", FEER (29 September 1994), p. 32. --------Margot Cohen, "Still Hard Labor", FEER (27 October 1994), p. 20. --------John McBeth, "Succession Talk Receedes: Suharto Could Lead into the 21st Century", FEER (18 May 1995), pp. 48-52. --------Ajay Singh and Keith Loveard, "A Successor in Waiting?", Asiaweek, April 5, 1996, p. 44. --------"Rioting in Indonesia leaves Dozens Missing", The Guardian (printed in The Vancouver Sun, July 30,1996, p.A12.) --------"Shoot any Rioters, Indonesian troops Told", Associated Press (printed in The Vancouver Sun, July 31,1996, p.A.15). --------John McBeth, "Streets of Fire", FEER (8 August 1996), p.14. THAILAND: MEDIA ARTICLES (In chronological order) --------Michael Morrow, "The Toll of Terror", FEER (12 March 1976), pp. 8-9. --------Michael Morrow, "Clamp-down on the Left Begins", FEER (23 April, 1976), pp. 25-26. --------Richard Nation, "Thanom: The Unwanted Catalyst", FEER (15 October 1976), pp. 12-14, 19 --------Richard Nation, "October Revolution Part II", FEER (15 October 1976), pp. 10- 11. --------"A Nightmare of Lynching and Burning", Time Magazine (18 October 1976), pp. 44-45. --------Nayan Chanda, "The Two Year Solution", FEER (4 November 1977), pp.10-12. --------"Sugar: A Year of Bitter Memories", in Economic Review (a supplement of Bangkok Post), 31 December 1980, pp. 107-109. --------Paisal Sricharatchanya, "The Pyramid of Chits", FEER (20 September 1984), pp.54-55. --------John McBeth and Paisal Sricharatchnaya, "Arthit Beats the Retreat", FEER (22 November 1984), pp. 14-17. --------Paisal Sricharatchanya, "Crumbling Pyramids", FEER (25 April 1985), pp. 120. --------Paisal Sricharatchanya, "High-risk Refinancing", FEER (16 May 1985), p.81. --------John McBeth and Paisal Sricharatchanya, "The Lady Reappears", FEER (27 June 1985), p. 92. --------John McBeth and Paisal Sricharatchanya, "Manoon's Wild Gamble", FEER (19 September 1985), pp. 14-15. --------"Battle for Bangkok", Asiaweek (20 September 1985). --------John McBeth, "Anger and Punishment", FEER (26 September 1985), pp. 19-20. --------John McBeth, "The Coup's Who's Who", FEER (24 October 1985), pp. p. 48. --------"The Rise and Fall of 'General Sunday'", The Nation (Bangkok), 28 May 1986. --------Rodney Tasker, "On the Defensive", FEER (8 March 1990), pp. 20-21. --------Rodney Tasker, "Vested Interest", FEER (11 October 1990), p. 19. --------Paul Handley, "Muck and Brass", FEER (6 December 1990), p. 12. --------Paul Handley, "Generals Outflanked", FEER (6 December 1990), pp. 10-11. --------Sukhumbhand Paripatra, "Troubled Waters", FEER (6 December 1990), pp. 18-20. --------Rodney Tasker, "Civilian Clout", FEER (13 June 1991), p. 22. --------Rodney Tasker and Paul Handley, "Sacred and Profane", FEER (4 July 1991), pp. 21-22. --------"Thailand Inc.", The Economist (4 January 1992), pp. 31-32. --------"Demobbed", The Economist (11 April 1992), p. 33. --------Rodney Tasker, "Class Warrior", FEER (23 April 1992), pp. 11-12. --------"That's Rich", The Economist (25 April 1992), p. 38. --------Paul Handley, "Win Some, Lose Some", FEER (30 April 1992), p. 17 --------"Oh Heavens", The Economist (13 June 1992), pp. 32-33. --------"Anand Takes a Sweep For Democracy", The Economist (8 August 1992), pp. 27-28. --------Gordon Fairclough, "Curse of the Jewels", FEER (29 September 1994), pp. 14-45. --------"Old Soldiers Find it Hard Just Fading Away", Bangkok Post (19 April 1995). --------"Greed and Fear", The Economist (28 September 1996), p. 43-44. --------A List of Cabinet Ministers in Chaovalit's Government, The Nation (Bangkok), November 30, 1996, pp. A6-A7. ---------(in Thai) Samutpharp Duan-Tula/A Picture Book of the Month of October (Bangkok: Thammasat University,1988). |