The politics of authoritarianism: the state and political soldiers in burma, indonesia, and thailand by Chao-Tzang Yawnghwe M. A., University of British Columbia, 1990 B. A., University of Rangoon, 1961

495
^ Although state expenditure had decreased by almost 20 million baht below the 1926 level, there was still a deficit of 2 million baht in 1931; see Virginia Thompson, Thailand: The New Siam (New York: Macmillan, 1941), p. 59.

496
^ The 1932 Manifesto, or condensed versions of it, are reproduced in most works on modern Thailand. For a more complete reproduction, see Chai-Anan, "Political History", pp. 31-33.

497
^ Thawee Bunyaketu served in various capacities for both Pibul Songkhram and Sarit Thanarat, the two most well-known modern Thai dictators. He also wrote insightfully of his experience. See, Nai Thawee Bunyaketu, "The 1932 Coup: Before and After", in Jayanta K. Ray, ed., Portraits of Thai Politics (New Delhi: Orient Longman Ltd., 1972), pp. 63-143. For a comprehensive account of prominent Promoters, see Joseph J. Wright, Jr., The Balancing Act: A History of Modern Thailand (Bangkok: Asia Books, 1991), pp. 59-183. Both Pibul and Pridi are adequately covered in all works on modern Thailand.

498
^ The students were counting on the monarch to back them when they came out on the streets to demand the end of military rule in 1973. The demonstrators rallied in front of the Democracy Monument erected to commemorate the 1932 "birth of democracy" and they carried portraits of the King and the Queen. (From interviews conducted in Bangkok, March-April 1993, with Thirayuth Boonmi, a prominent student leader in the mid-1970s; Sulak Sivaraksa, a well-known human rights leader; and journalists Anusorn Thavassin and Paisal Vichittong).

499
^ Pridi, however, accomplished much behind the scenes. He modernized the legal system, founded Thammasat University, helped revise unequal treaties, and played a major role in drafting the 1932 constitution. Pridi is well covered in all accounts of post-1932 Thailand. For a relatively recent work, see Vichitvong na Pombhejara, Pridi Banomyong and the Making of Thailand's Modern History (Bangkok: Siriyod Printing Co., Ltd., 1982). Also see, David and Susan Morell, "The Impermanence of Society: Marxism, Buddhism and the Political Philosophy of Thailand's Pridi Banomyong", South-east Asia 2:2, Fall 1972, pp. 397-424. Also see, Ray, "Introduction," in Portraits, pp. 1-60; and Thawee Bunyaketu, "The 1932 Coup".

500
^ Thawee, "The 1932 Coup", p. 74.

501
^ My account of Pibul as supreme leader is based largely on Wright, The Balancing Act, pp. 80-115, 171-190. An interesting account of Pibul is also provided by his wife; see Lady Laiad Pibulsong-khram, "The Early Years and the Revolution of 1932", in Ray, ed., Portraits, pp. 191-217. Also see, B. J. Terwiel, Field Marshal Plaek Pibulsongkhram (Queensland: University of Queensland Press, 1980).

502
^ B. J. Terwiel, "Thai Nationalism and Identity: Popular Themes of the 1930s", in Craig J.Reynolds, ed., National Identity, pp. 133-151. As observed by Terwiel, early Thai nationalist intellectuals, such as Luang Wichit Wathakan and Chamrat Sarawisut, were much inspired by Japanese militarism. He also notes that fascism was quite pervasive in Southeast Asia among nationalists who became leaders of "new" states. Their fascination with fascism is evident in their obsession with ethnonationalism and state worship.

503
^ The term Siam is regarded as a more inclusive construction while the term Thailand is considered more chauvinist. For a critical assessment of the name Thailand, see Sulak Sivaraksa, Siam in Crisis (Bangkok: Thai Inter-Religious Commission for Development, 1990). See the unnumbered page situated before the "Preface to the First Edition".

504 Luang Wichit Watthakan was Thailand's "cultural czar" under Pibul and Sarit. He almost single-handedly constructed and popularized nationalistic Thai history. For an analysis of his role in plotting modern Thai history, see Craig J. Reynolds, "The Plot of Thai History: Theory and Practice", in Gehan Wijeyewardene, ed., Patterns and Illusions: Thai History and Thoughts: In Memory of Richard B. Davis (Canberra: The Australian National University, 1992), pp. 313-332.

505
^ The reconstruction of an ethnic nation situated in antiquity, with a seamless historical-organic con-tinuity to the present, is a device commonly employed by ethnonationalist movements. Terwiel links the construction of a nationalist Thai history to early Western accounts of Thai culture, especially W. C. Dodd, a missionary, who wrote a book on the Tai-Thai race in 1923, and W. A. R. Wood, who published a work on Siam's history in 1925. See Terwiel, "Thai Nationalism".

506
^ Wright, The Balancing Act, pp. 102-104.

507
^ Chai-Anan Samudavanija, "State Identity Creation, State Building and Civil Society, 1939-1989", in Reynolds, ed., National Identity, pp. 59-85.

508
^ Ibid.

509
^ Ruth McVey, "The Beamtenstaat in Indonesia", in Benedict Anderson and Audrey Kahin, eds., Interpreting Indonesian Politics: Thirteen Contributions to the Debate (Ithaca: Cornell University Modern Indonesian Project, 1982), pp. 84-91.

510 The question of why the monarchy was retained in Thailand needs explanation. Any Thai strongman could have projected himself as a republican, especially prior to the mid-1970s, but none did. It is however certain that any republican dictator would have had difficulty coping with the consequences of abolishing the monarchy. Almost certainly it would have led to serious rural unrest. The costs of abolishing the monarchy were greater than the benefits of allowing a compliant, figure-head constitutional monarch to exist.

511
^ Pridi's role in the anti-Japanese resistance and the Free Thai is well covered; see John B. Haseman, The Thai Resistance Movement During the War (Dekalb: Northern Illinois University Center for Southeast Asian Studies, 1978); Thamsook Numnonda, Thailand During the Japanese Military Presen-ce, 1941-1945 (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1977); Andrew Gilchrist, Bangkok Top Secret (London: Hutchinson, 1970).

512
^ According to Thawee, the war ended just as the Free Thai guerrillas became fully trained, and thus they did not engage in any combat; see, Thawee, "The 1932 Coup", p. 105. Haseman states, however, that Free Thai forces did carry out several ambushes against demoralized Japanese troops; Haseman, The Thai Resistance, p. 137. The Free Thai forces were certainly not strong or well-organized, since they were nowhere in sight when Pridi's Free Thai government was toppled in 1947 by former pro-Japanese military leaders, such as Phin, Phao, and Sarit, among others.

513
^ Thak Chaloemtiarana, Thailand: The Politics of Despotic Paternalism (Bangkok: Thammasat University Press, 1979), p.15. This is the most authoritative work on Sarit and his regime, and it will be the main source in the following section, unless otherwise indicated.

514
^ Wright, The Balancing Act, pp. 171-172.

515
^ Ibid., p. 175.

516
^ King Prachadipok abdicated in 1935, and was succeeded by Rama VIII (King Ananda), who was only thirteen years old. He had spent most his time studying in Switzerland, returning to Thailand for a visit in December 1945. In June 1946, he was found dead, killed by a gunshot wound. Three personal attendants were executed in 1954 after being tried twice; see, Wright, The Balancing Act, p. 165. For an account of King Ananda's death, see Rayne Kruger, The Devil's Discus (London: Cassell & Co., Ltd., 1964). The book is banned in Thailand. King Ananda's death is still shrouded in mystery because the subject is taboo, and the idea of a royal suicide is considered unthinkable. Additional information was obtained from interviews I conducted with descendants -- who cannot be named -- of those executed for the death of King Ananda.

517
^ Pridi's fate was similar to other anti-Japanese resistance leaders -- Cheng Peng (Malaya), Luis Taruc (Philippines), Thakin Soe (Burma), among others. Most of these men ended up as rebels or exiles. Ho Chi Minh, of course, is an exception (as he attained power in 1954, but even then, only in the North). The Advanced Party led by Khuang Aphaiwong and Seni Pramoj, mounted a campaign to implicate Pridi with the King's death; see Thawee, "The 1932 Coup", p. 117. Pridi was in an unenviable position. He could not declare that the King had committed suicide or that he had been accidentally shot.

518
^ The United States was not overly concerned with the legitimacy of Third World powerholders, although the rhetoric about democracy and freedom was always advanced. The Americans were con-cerned only with the containment of communism. For a thoughtful non-Marxist critique of United States containment policy in Southeast Asia, see Carl Oglesby, "Vietnamese Crucible: An Essay on the Meaning of the Cold War", in Carl Oglesby and Richard Shaull, Containment and Change (New York: Macmillan, 1967), pp. 3-176.

519
^ Phao's terror tactics are comprehensively covered by Thak, Thailand, p. 81-90. For American support of Phao, see Frank C. Darling, Thailand and the United States (Washington, D.C.: Public Affairs Press, 1965), pp. 72-73.

520
^ Prior to the Sarit years, the monarchy was shunted aside because the Promoters were essentially anti-monarchist. They chose to retain the monarchy for expediency. Sarit did not belong to the Promoters' generation and thus he was not affected by their anti-monarchy sentiments. This view of Sarit's relationship with the monarchy is widely held among elite elements in Thailand. It was communicated to me at various times by numerous phu-yai, including Dr. Kraisri Nimmanahaeminda and his family (the wealthiest of Chiangmai families), Sanya Thammasak (Prime Minister after the fall of Thanom and Praphart), Chao (princess) Tippawan na Chiangtung, Chao (Sukhanta), Chao (prince) Nual na Chiangmai, Mom (Lady) Tada Khunseuk, among others.

521 Thak, Thailand, pp. 200-205. Between 1958-62, about 250 persons were arrested in connection with "communist conspiracies", or on grounds of being a "communist". Four communist leaders were publicly executed. They were Supachai Sisati, an electrical engineer by profession; Khong Chanda Wong, a politician and former MP from the Northeast; Thongphan Sutthimat, a follower of Khong; and Ruam Phromwong, a schoolmaster at a Chinese school.

522
^ Sarit headed the following agencies when he was Prime Minister: the Budget Office, the National Security Council, the National Economic Council, the Civil Service Subcommission, the National Educational Council, the National University Council, and the National Research Council; see, Thak, Thailand, pp. 277-282.

523
^ Likhit, Demi-Democracy, p.165-166. See also, Thak, Thailand, pp. 283-293.

524
^ Thak, Thailand, pp. 161-162.

525
^ Thak, Thailand, pp. 161-166. The views espoused by Sarit and Luang Wichit are not dissimilar to the "family values" doctrine currently propagated by Christian American neo-conservatives. For a discussion of the close mentor-pupil relationship between Sarit and Luang Wichit and their develop-ment of the Sukhothai or Ramkhamheng rulership "ideology" (see op cit, pp. 179-186).

526
^ While Sarit targeted numerous "disorderly elements," only the communists and Isan secessionists were eliminated. The others are still thriving. For example, pedicabs have been motorized and are even more numerous. In addition, there are motorcycle "taxis" which weave recklessly among jam-packed vehicles and contribute to Bangkok's stifling air and noise pollution. Prostitution, drugs, and crime have grown into powerful industries beyond the reach of the law and government regulation. In fact, state officials -- policemen, prosecutors, judges, military officers, and politicians -- have been co-opted as protectors and beneficiaries of these illicit activities.

527
^ Thak, Thailand, p. 338, citing Prime Minister Thanom Kittikachorn, press interview (July 17, 1964). Also see Likhit, Demi-Democracy, p. 169. According to Likhit, Sarit's fortune amounted to nearly 3 billion baht, approximately US$140 million, at the exchange rate of the time.

528
^ Thak, Thailand, p. 186.

529
^ Sarit's rule was, in Thak's view, based on despotic paternalism; see, Thailand.

530
^ Thak, Thailand, pp. 167-68. For a comprehensive discussion, from a Marxist perspective, of rural development projects linked to counter-insurgency goals and managed by the U.S. Operations Mission, see Peter F. Bell, "Cycles of Class Struggle in Thailand", in Andrew Turton, Jonathan Fast, Malcolm Caldwell, eds., Thailand: Roots of Conflict (Nottingham: Spokesman, 1978), pp. 51-79. Conceptual-ly, the development strategy adopted by Sarit and supported by the Americans was almost identical to the strategy employed by the Americans in South Vietnam, and implemented by the authoritarian regimes of Ngo Dinh Diem and Nguyen Van Thieu. It failed in Vietnam, however.

531
^ Morell and Chai-Anan, Political Conflicts in Thailand, pp. 75-76.

532
^ Among the businesses established to service American soldiers on leave from the Vietnam war were hotels, nightclubs, massage parlours, restaurants, coffee shops, giftshops, jewellers, taxi services, and other nefarious establishments. Many of the jobs created by these industries were of an illicit nature, such as prostitutes and pimps, strippers, dance hostesses, maids, cooks, housekeepers, hired wives, as well as waiters and waitresses, money-changers, tailors, clerks, construction laborers, body guards, and drivers. For an analysis of the impact of economic growth on class formation and job patterns around U.S. bases, see David Elliot, "The Socio-Economic Formation of Modern Thailand", in Andrew Turton, et al, Thailand, pp. 29-50.

533
^ Laos and Cambodia depended on Thai manufactured goods and transport and port facilities. Burma's socialist economy was also almost totally dependent on underground trade with Thailand. Commodities such as opium, teak and hardwoods, rubber, mineral ores, gems, cattle, agricultural produce, and cultural artifacts flowed into Thailand in exchange for Thai manufactures. The volume of crossborder trade in the 1970s is not known but it was substantial, certainly billions of baht annually. For example, at one custom post (Wang-kha), Karen rebels collected about 100,000 baht in duties per day, 10% on incoming-outgoing goods, for about 36 million baht annually. They operated three such posts and many less lucrative ones. Karenni and Mon rebels each manned at least one custom post as lucrative as Wang-kha: at Na-Awn and Three Pagoda Pass respectively. The above does not include the substantial trade in opium, heroin and gems moved through the Shan State, mainly by former Nationalist (KMT) Chinese. The information provided here is based on personal knowledge gained while serving in the 1970s as Secretary for the Shan State Army War Office and as the Joint-Secretary of the Nationalities Liberation Front, the forerunner of the Nationalities Democratic Front.

534 In the 1960s, the population grew by one million people per year. Student enrollment in 1972 was 100,000 in 17 universities, compared to 15,000 in 5 universities in 1961. Exports of manufactured goods rose from 1.4 percent of total manufacture in 1960 to 68 percent in 1970. There were also changes in the workforce composition. For example, the increase in administrative, executive/manag-erial positions was 941 percent in 1970 (compared to 1960); the increase in clerical/sales workers was 37 percent; in the non-agricultural sector it was 156 percent; the service sector increased by 73 percent. These figures are found in Likhit, Demi-Democracy, pp. 177-186. Also see, T. H. Silcock, Thailand: Social and Economic Studies in Development (Canberra: Australian National University Press, 1967).

535
^ Morell and Chai-Anan, Political Conflicts, pp. 5-6.

536
^ Among wealthy conservatives in Chiangmai, where I lived from the early 1970s to the mid-1980s, the Narong factor was a catalyst in arousing anti-regime sentiments. Ordinary citizens initially greeted Narong's anti-corruption rhetoric with hopeful enthusiasm, but they grew disillusioned as it became apparent that he was more interested in squeezing the corrupt than prosecuting them. It is said by many that he extorted money from Chiangmai's informal moneylenders, mostly Chinese and Sikh merchants. Unfortunately for the co-dictators, Thanom was widely perceived as weak and not very bright, while Praphart was regarded as highly corrupt. There were jokes about Thanom's simple-mindedness that circulated in Chiangmai's cocktail circuit in the early 1970s. For an analysis of the Narong factor, see Likhit, Demi-Democracy, pp. 192-199.

537
^ The 1973 October uprising was well covered by Thai and international media. A detailed ground-level account and analysis of the uprising is to be found in Ross Prizzia and Narong Sinsawasdi, Thailand: Student Activism and Political Change (Bangkok: Allied Printer, 1974).

538
^ The aim of the constitutional drafting body, according to Morell and Chai-Anan, was to create a clear separation of executive-legislative functions and to strengthen legislative autonomy. The draft constitution stipulated that the prime minister and the cabinet should be from Parliament and that they should not concurrently serve in the bureaucracy or private corporations. The Senate was to be elected by the lower House, not appointed. However, the Interim National Assembly, which was charged with ratifying the constitution, was composed of old guard conservatives -- 50 percent were civil, police and military officials, and 16 percent businessmen, bankers, and doctors. The Interim National Assembly amended the constitution to provide for a government appointed Senate and they permitted half the cabinet to be filled from the armed forces or the bureaucracy. For details, see Morell and Chai-Anan, Political Conflicts, pp. 99-108.

539
^ Ibid., pp. 109-110. It is interesting to note that the four major parties, which won over 100 of the 269 seats, were linked to the military bloc, either the Thanom-Praphat or the older Phin-Phao faction. For example, Praman Adireksan, an ex-General and wealthy industrialist, and Chatichai Choonhavan, also an ex-General and diplomat, co-leaders of the Chart Thai party, were respectively Phin's son-in-law and son. Prasit Kanchanawat, a wealthy banker, connected to the Praphart faction, led the Social Nationalist party. Thawitt Klinpratum, a veteran politician and leader of the Social Justice Party, was a protege of Air Chief Marshal Dawee Chulasap, a prominent figure in the Thanom-Praphart regime.

540
^ Chai-Anan, The Thai Young Turks, p. 22.

541
^ American military aid jumped up to $98 million in 1977 after Sangad's coup and fell again to $38 million in 1978. See Marian Mallet, "Causes and Consequences of the October 1976 Coup", in Turton, et al, eds., Thailand, pp. 80-103.

542
^ Ibid. For example, Japanese investment plunged to $423 million in 1975, from $750 million in 1974; foreign capital outflow in dividends, profits, and loan repayments rose to $60 million from $28 million in 1974. There was also a flight of local capital to Hong Kong, making Thailand the third largest investor in the colony after the United States and Japan.

543
^ Student leaders who gained prominence included Thirayuth Boonme, Seksan Prasertkul, Jiranan Pitpreecha, Wichai Bamrungrit, and Pridi Boonsue. Short biographies on radical student leaders who joined the Communist Party of Thailand in 1975-1976 and who later returned from the jungle may be found in Yuangrat Wedel, The Thai Radicals and the Communist Party (Singapore: Maruzen Asia, nd), see Appendix C, pp. 65-72. For a critical analysis of the student movement, see Morell and Chai-Anan, Political Conflicts, pp. 137-179.

544
^ Jit was a radical historian and poet. He died in 1966 under suspicious circumstances. His most influential work was published in 1957 under the pseudonym, Somsamai Srisootarapan. The book, written in Thai, was entitled Chomna Sakdina Thai, which translates to The Face of Thai Feudalism (Bangkok: Chomrom Nangsue Sangtawan, 1976). He, like other early Thai Marxists, argued that literature, art, and religion were tools used by the "oppressing class" to maintain a corrupt system of government. For an analysis of Jit's work, see Chai-Anan Samudavanija,