Liberia economic empowerment of adolescent girls and young women project
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Structure of the report Following this introduction, section two presents the framework developed to assess girls’ and young women’s vulnerability. Section three presents a socio-demographic profile of girls and young women 15 to 24 in Greater Monrovia. Section four analyzes the obstacles which girls and young women face to participate in training, as well as to find jobs/start a business after training. Section five and six present conclusions and recommendations for project design respectively. Annex I and II include the Focus Groups Discussion Guide, and the Girls’ Vulnerability Survey Questionnaire. Annex III presents a summary of descriptive statistics from the Girls’ Vulnerability Survey.
The EPAG project offers an avenue for the economic empowerment of girls and young women – through training and links to jobs, and thereby provides an opportunity to reduce girls’ and young women’s vulnerability. At the same time, adolescent girls and young women experience a series of risks which may jeopardise their successful participation in the project, and their ability to seize the opportunities provided by the project. By identifying these risks and putting in place mechanisms to prevent and mitigate them through specific features of project design, the project will contribute to the economic empowerment of adolescent girls and young women, and will help reduce their vulnerability. Figure 1 below presents a diagram showing the sequence used by the project to reduce girls’ and young women’s vulnerability, by ensuring access to training opportunities, adequate skills acquisition through training, and a successful transition from training to work. It also identifies a series of potential risks which may affect girls’ and young women’s participation in three different stages of the project: (i) training activities provided by the project; (ii) girls’ performance and successful completion of the training; and (iii) girls’ transition from training to work. The identification of the risks is based on a review of youth literature, including youth projects, adapted to the Liberian context. The framework also identifies protective factors capable of counterbalancing risks (Blum, 1998). Literature examples of protective factors include certain individual characteristics like social skills or intelligence; a caring parent, an authoritative parenting style, and smaller family size; caring non-familial adults, collective self-efficacy, and neighborhood engagement (World Bank, 2003). Overall, an adequate family environment, social networks and social cohesion (which facilitate connectedness), positive role models and messages about healthy life-styles, community cohesion and engagement, and support services for the youth may act as mechanisms to offset the effect of risks that girls and young women experience in Liberia, thereby reducing their vulnerability. 
This section presents a socio-demographic profile of girls and young women in Greater Monrovia. It uses selected socio-economic and demographic indicators from recently published surveys2 to identify the most relevant factors contributing to girls’ and young women’s vulnerability in Greater Monrovia, from those pre-identified by the literature and captured by the vulnerability framework (section 2). To the extent that information is available, indicators refer specifically to Greater Monrovia and to 15 to 24 year old girls. When this information is not available, national and adult female data are provided. Table 3.1 provides a snapshot of the indicators presented in this section. The section also incorporates the results of the Girls’ Vulnerability Survey to complement or fill in data gaps of larger surveys to analyse girls’ and young women’s vulnerability. Similarly, quantitative indicators are complemented with qualitative information from focus groups in order to inform specific areas of girls’ and young women’s socio-demographic profile. Living arrangements The majority of girls and young women in Greater Monrovia live in large households, which comprise several generations, including their own children. Most of the time girls and young women live without one or both parents. Fourteen years of conflict have left many girls orphaned and young women heading households on their own. Only 50 percent of people under 19 years old in Greater Monrovia live with their two parents. Twenty percent live with their mother only, 6 percent with their father only and 23 percent of children are living with other relatives or acquaintances (CFSNS, 2007). The proportion of households headed by women in Greater Monrovia is slightly higher than in rural areas - 18 percent against 13 for rural Liberia (CFSNS, 2007). According to the Girls’ Vulnerability Survey, 9.5 percent of girls and young women were the main provider of the household, 30 percent declared their fathers to be the main provider, 24 percent their mothers, 20 percent their boyfriends, and 8.5 other relatives. In addition, many girls and young women are mothers themselves. Fertility rates among adolescents are high in Monrovia - 101 births per 1000 for women 15 to 19 years old, and 192 births per 1000 for women 20 to 24 years old (DSH, 2007); and some sources point to Liberia’s as having one of the highest teenage pregnancy rates in the world (PRSP, 2008). With an average of 5.9 members, households in peri-urban Monrovia are large (CFSNS, 2007). A mapping exercise of communities in Monrovia found an average household size of as much as 12 to 15 members in New Kru Town (Mercy Corps, 2007). Education Girls exhibit low levels of education. While gender gaps in primary education have decreased substantially in recent years, girls and young women experience serious problems to access and complete secondary education. In Greater Monrovia, only 66.7 percent of girls are enrolled in secondary school, compared to 91.3 percent of boys (CWIQ, 2007). While illiteracy among girls in Greater Monrovia is the lowest for women across the country, there are still almost 15 percent of girls between 15 and 18 years in Monrovia who cannot read or write, 9 percent more than boys for the same age group (CWIQ, 2007). The CWIQ data do not offer a breakdown of the reasons why boys and girls do not go to school. In general, lack of money, followed by the need to work are the causes that youth identify for their lack of schooling (CWIQ, 2007). According to the Girls’ Vulnerability Survey, girls’ main reason not to be in school was lack of money to pay the fees (74 percent), followed by lack of time due to family responsibilities (28 percent), and the need to work (14 percent). Additionally, 6.4 percent declared pregnancy as a reason for not being enrolled in school. Health Psychological problems are probably the most important health threat for girls and young women in Greater Monrovia. Other health risks include substance abuse, maternal mortality, and HIV/Aids. Focus groups discussions revealed that many girls and young women find themselves in a stressful situation: some of them are the main providers of their families, including their children; others are alone and have lost their families, or sometimes both. Suffering and emotional distress, especially for those who have lost their families, were highlighted by the girls and young women during the focus groups discussions. Emotional distress was also mentioned by girls and young women as a reason to consume alcohol and drugs. While no statistics exit to document the extent of alcohol consumption and other substance abuse3, this was reported in all the focus groups as a common habit among boys and girls in Monrovia. Equally important, given the high rates of adolescent pregnancy, maternal mortality is a relevant threat for girls and young women. Maternal mortality has increased from 578 in 2000 to 994 in 2007 deaths per 100,000 live births (DHS 2000, DHS 2007). Finally, while lower than in other Sub-Saharan countries, HIV/Aids is a risk, especially for younger girls. The highest prevalence rates are among young men 20 to 24 years old (2 percent) followed by girls 14 to 19 (1.2 percent), young women 20 to 24 (0.7 percent), and boys 14 to 19 years old (0.4 percent). Work and contribution to family income Widespread poverty and food insecurity, together with disrupted families, force girls and young women to work to support their families. Poverty and food insecurity are important factors contributing to people’s vulnerability in Liberia. In Greater Monrovia half of the households are poor - 54 percent of Male Headed Households (MHHs) and 57 percent of Female Headed Households (FHH) (CWIQ, 2007); and many also suffer from food insecurity -25 percent of FHHs and to 16 percent of MHHs (CFSNS, 2007). This is likely to worsen in the near future due to rising food prices. Widespread poverty and lack of adults in many households put pressure on girls and young women to work and contribute to family income. The girls and young women interviewed during the focus groups seemed to see their contribution to family support as a fundamental part of their responsibilities, sometimes conflicting with school or other activities (leisure, training, etc.). Overall, young women and girls are very active in the labor market in Greater Monrovia, especially in small-scale trade, street vending and casual labor, almost always in the informal sector. Preliminary analysis of CWIQ labor statistics points to high labor force participation for young women 20-24 (63 percent) and slightly less but still significant (54 percent) for girls 15 to 19 (ILO/ CWIQ, 2007). The results of the Girls’ Vulnerability Survey show that half of the girls and young women do some kind of income generating activity to support their families, and that they spend 5 hours a day on average doing income generating activities. Most of girls and young women work informally, as almost everywoman in Liberia – just 2 percent of formal jobs belong to women in Liberia (UN, 2006). The Food Security Report identifies marketing and small-scale trade as the predominant economic activity for women in Greater Monrovia, and street-vending and casual labor as the most common activity among the younger generation of women, those up to 35 years old (CFSNS, 2007). Selling water, selling products in the market, or washing clothes, are examples of activities mentioned in the focus groups by girls and young women. Domestic work While no time use surveys exist to determine the exact involvement of girls and young women in domestic work, several indicators point to their prominent role taking care of their families. 41 percent of girls and young women (15 to 24), compared to 31 percent of adult women and just 11 percent of young males (15 to 24) report family responsibilities as a reason for inactivity in Liberia (ILO/CWIQ, 2007). Similarly, the fact that 23 percent of girls and young women 15 to 24 - compared to 11 percent of boys and young men are neither in school nor working is consistent with significant activity in the domestic sphere (ILO/CWIQ, 2007). The Girls’ Vulnerability Survey shows that balancing job and family responsibilities is the second most important reason why girls and young women would prefer self-employment (with 23 percent of answers)4. Girls and young women do an average of 3.3 hours of domestic work per day. Girls’ and young women’s involvement in domestic work is probably explained by gender roles, large numbers of dependents, and aggravated by deficient infrastructure. Housing conditions are extremely poor in Liberia (PRSP, 2008) with limited access to water and sanitation - just over half of the population in Greater Monrovia has access to improved water sources (CWIQ, 2007). Risky behaviours Early sexual initiation and risky sexual behavior. There are no data about age of sexual initiation in Liberia but the high fertility rates among adolescents point to an early start of adolescent sexual life - 101 births per 1000 women for 15 to 19 years old in Monrovia (DSH, 2007). According to Liberia’s Health and Demographic Survey, 59.2 of girls and young women 15 to 24 had higher risk sexual intercourse in the 12 months prior to the survey5; and only 14 percent used condom during such sexual intercourse (DHS, 2007). Overall, only 19 percent of people use contraceptives in Greater Monrovia (DHS, 2007). The Girls’ Vulnerability Survey revealed a higher use among the girls and young women interviewed (33 percent). The most commonly used methods according to the survey are condoms (30 percent) followed by abstinence (26 percent), pills (20 percent) and injections (15 percent). The Demographic and Health Survey identifies secondary school graduates as those with the highest use of contraceptives (21percent) (DHS, 2007). Transactional sex. A startling finding from focus groups discussions and interviews with government officials and youth service providers is the widespread practice of transactional sex in Liberia. The focus groups showed that engaging in money-for-sex seems to be a common strategy for a girl to obtain money in Monrovia. It can take the form of ‘going out for men’ looking for one night stands, or longer relationships with ‘boyfriends’ in exchange for material support. It seems to be culturally accepted – sometimes parents encourage their daughters to engage in sex/get a boyfriend to obtain money, food, or other type of material support. Exchanges with teachers or employers in return for grades or jobs are common practices, to a certain extent culturally condoned, or at least not overtly challenged. Other studies in Liberia arrive at similar conclusions (UNICEF, 2007). Alcohol and drug abuse. Other risky behaviours mentioned during the focus groups discussions included stealing, and alcohol and drug abuse. Desperation and emotional distress or negative influence from friends (in the case of drugs) or encouragement from parents (in the case of stealing or prostitution) were cited as factors contributing to risky behaviours during the focus groups. Overall, the Girls’ Vulnerability Survey revealed that there are few incentives and opportunities to develop a healthy lifestyle for girls and young women in Monrovia (through personal development linked to sports, cultural activities, youth clubs, etc.). There seems to be few options for doing something other than working or going to school in Monrovia. When not in school, 40 percent of girls and young women study, 26 percent visit their friends, 17 percent work, 16 percent go to video-clubs, and only 6 percent play sports. About 9 percent of girls and young women belong to religious groups and another 6 percent to youth clubs. Overall, there are few activities to promote healthy youth development in Monrovia. Violence against girls and young women Violence, in particular sexual violence, is a serious threat to girls and young women in Monrovia. Liberia’s Poverty Reduction Strategy recognises gender based violence as an important problem nationwide, especially for girls. While no statistics are available to measure its extent, several qualitative sources point to the seriousness of this issue. “Absolute lack of ‘safe places’ for girls and young women”, from school to home or church, emerged as a critical problem in country wide consultations conducted for the preparation of the Poverty Reduction Strategy6. In 2006, the most recent year for which information is available, rape was the crime most reported in Liberia (PRSP, 2008). The following types of violence against girls and young women were mentioned in focus groups discussions: beating from boyfriends, rape, sexual abuse by family members, demands for transactional sex from teachers (repeatedly mentioned), and transactional sex and sexual abuse at work. About half of the girls and young women interviewed during the Girls’ Vulnerability Survey knew someone who had been physically abused and 30 percent knew someone who had been sexually abused. According to them, the most common places for physical abuse are the home, followed by bars and discos, and schools. For sexual abuse, the most common places are home (47 percent) and the street (22 percent). However, a significant 7 percent of sexual abuse occurs at school. Fear of violence would keep most girls and young women from walking in the evenings (57 percent), as well as taking taxis or buses (20 percent). Social capital Social capital seems to be weak among youth in Liberia. A rapid social assessment conducted following the conflict has underscored the profound erosion of trust and social cohesion during the years of conflict in Liberia (Richards et al., 2005). In the particular case of youth, overall difficulties to work in teams and mistrust between group members has been reported by service providers in Monrovia as a recurrent problem when working with youth. Taking the number of organizations and associations as an indicator, social capital among the youth is also low. The Federation of Liberian Youth has only 98 member associations across the whole country. The Girls’ Vulnerability Survey shows that almost 70 percent of girls and young women did not belong to any formal or informal organization (from school committees to sports clubs). Girls’ and young women’s most common membership organization are susu clubs (a saving peer mechanism); and religious groups (with 9 percent of girls and young women in each), followed by youth clubs (6 percent of girls and young women). Gender discrimination Girls and young women do not feel particularly disadvantaged because of their gender. During the focus groups, girls and young women did not mention any gender-related restrictions regarding their mobility or choice of work. The majority of girls and young women interviewed for the survey (45.5 percent) believe that employers would rather hire a woman, 36.5 percent thought that employers would not have any preference, and only 18 percent thought that employers would prefer hiring men. During the focus groups, the overwhelming majority thought that employers would rather employ women. However, when asked why, they linked their answer to transactional sex between employers and female workers. Overall, focus groups participants thought that it was better to be a girl than a boy in Liberia. This is consistent with the results of a Participatory Poverty Assessment conducted for the preparation of the PRSP, which found that the majority of men and women consulted thought that it was easier to be a woman than a man in Liberia. When asked why, they referred to women’s ability to find ‘small small jobs’ to provide for the family, and men’s depression as a result of unemployment (UNFPA et al., 2008)7.
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