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Le califat de yazid ier. 1909-21


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33, 62) pays homage. The ‘maslaha’, or higher interest of Islam, must even prevail over a ‘nass’, a formal text, which has become a dead letter. This letter they intend to quicken with a new spirit; for God, author of the Qoranic revelation, cannot desire the stagnation of human society of which He is likewise the author. Except for the revealed dogmas there are no unalterable texts, and therefore no immutable laws. To govern the relations of social life, there is room only for regulations elastic enough to be adapted to the ever-changing exigencies of the times. Distinction must be drawn in the Shari'a between the ‘universal’ rules and those that are ‘specific’, the latter being valid only for a par­ticular period and set of circumstances.

This is an admission that the modernists, even those who are moderate in tone, imperiously demand the re-opening of ‘the door of ijtihad’, or liberty of dis­cussion and independence of judgment with regard to the four orthodox rites. They are not to be countered by the agreement established between the teachers of bygone centuries. This understanding might advantageously be replaced by another agree­ment, a ‘new ijma‘’ which would take account of modern needs.

Some modernists liken Muhammad to any other human legislator. In this capacity, the Prophet was entitled to obedience, but his successors, having inherited the same right, were qualified to amend or complete his legislative work. According to this theory, Islam is nothing more than a code of moral discipline, a collection of religious truths. It has no call to mingle in questions of politics and human

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legislation. ‘Earthly things are of too little im­portance in the eyes of Allah that He should have deemed it expedient to confide their regulation to a prophet; and the prophets have too correct an esti­mate of their trivial value to consent to deal with them.'

According to the learned ‘Ali ‘Abdarraziq (v. p. 109), ‘We search vainly in Muhammad's career for the smallest trace of political organization.’ Islam, a simple conception and ideal of the spiritual and religious life, does not as such form a State, still less a State-Church. So it cannot claim domination over civil society nor demand external jurisdiction or special tribunals. On the other hand, the govern­ment of the four first Caliphs had no religious char­acter; whence it follows that the legislation and Sunna attributed to them must be regarded as human institutions, that is to say, as transitory and capable of amendment.

After this brief sketch of the general tendencies of Muslim modernism, no one will be surprised to see the interest which it manifests, not only in sociology, but also in what it called ‘the philosophy of religion’. Chairs are beginning to be founded and books written for promoting ‘the critical and comparative study of religions’. Needless to say, this criticism is inspired by a spirit quite other than that to which we owe the ultra-conservative compilations of Shahrastani and the early Muslim heresiologists (v. p. 140).

IN INDIA. India is the oldest centre of modernism in Islam. Its creators have judged it expedient to assume, as a distinctive badge, the appellation of Neo-Mu'tazilites. Their professed aim is merely the revival and renewal of early Mu'tazilite doctrine. To begin with, a gratuitous fiction enables them to annex to this system a theory dear to all modernists, to wit,

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historic evolution. The truth is that neither the Mu'tazilites nor the other Muslim theorists have ever dreamed of the theory of evolution.

One of the most active protagonists of Indian modernism was Sir Seyyid Ahmad Khan Bahadur (1817-1898), founder of the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental College at Aligarh (1875), which has since been raised to the status of a university. He is the author of a commentary of the Qoran and of numerous writings in which he defends the principles of the new school. ‘Allah’, affirm their adepts, ‘has enclosed the precepts of Islam within the limits of a legislation, which is elastic and susceptible of further develop­ment.’ Very eclectic in the matter of traditions, they do not trouble about the hadith, when the latter fail to accord with modern progress; they then refute them unhesitatingly by recourse to inner criticism. Here again their line of argument, which is entirely subjective, is lacking in logic and does not shrink from distorting history, for instance, to suit their ends. They describe the life of Medina in the first century A.H. and the reign of the four first Caliphs as inspired by tendencies of the most advanced liberalism. A Persian newspaper, Al-Habl al-matin (27th of May, 1915), shows us Fatima and ‘Ayesha in the intimate circle of the Prophet engaged in philosophical argu­ments.

According to them, Muhammad was the declared adversary of slavery. If any mistake has been made on this subject, it is through misinterpretation of the Qoranic texts which appear to make this institution lawful. As for the hadith quoted in its favour, Sir Seyyid Ahmad accords them precisely the same degree of belief ‘as the Arabian Nights and the legend of Hatim Tayy’. We can see from this example the method of argument adopted by the Indian school.

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On the other hand, it admits the convincing value of the hadith every time they harmonize with its evolutionist predilections. It refuses to recognize the authority of the consensus or ijma‘ , if this happens to be urged against it. ‘To accept the infallibility and immutability of ijma‘ would be arbitrarily to admit a legislation independent of that of the Prophet.’ Whence the conclusion, common to all modernists, that a new ijma‘ can annul and reform the old.

From this Indian school sprang, in 1911, an English version of the Qoran. In it the Suras are arranged, not, as in the official editions, according to their length and the number of their verses, but in chronological order; a daring innovation, since this can only be established by conjecture and approximation. But it testifies to the audacity and initiative of the inno­vators, who did not quail before the reproval of the orthodox. The jehad troubles them considerably, as it troubled the Ahmadiyya (v. p. 149). Their theory is that the Qoran contemplated only defining warfare and that its recommendations were valid only in the Prophet's own time.

Their centre of learning is in the Muslim University of Aligarh. Since the death of Sir Seyyid Ahmad, Seyyid Amir-‘Ali , author of The Spirit of Islam (1902), has shown himself one of the most active inter­preters of their doctrines. In the liveliest terms he upbraids the reactionary ‘ulema for their foolish desire ‘to give permanent character to laws enacted for the use of a patriarchal society'—contrary to the intentions of the Prophet, ‘that man of lofty intelligence, who has proclaimed the empire of reason and the law of social evolution’.

IN EGYPT. Much more recent, Egyptian modernism has a history very different from that of Indian modernism. It has sprung from the attempt of the

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Salafiyya to bring about an Islamic renaissance. The modernist party was founded in 1883 by the pan-Islamic agitator, Jamal ad-din al-Afghani (1839-1897), and by his most brilliant disciple, the Egyptian Muhammad ‘Abdu, born in 1849, died in 1905, Grand-Mufti of Egypt.

Quite unlike Indian modernism, which pursues a policy of adaptation to the progress of the day, the Salafiyya school, in its reformist campaign, sets out to owe nothing to Europe and, apart from modern technique, to borrow nothing from that continent, whose encroachments it fears for their possible effects on the cohesion and independence of the Muslim races. It is a kind of Neo-Wahhabism. It proclaims the decline of Islam, and laments its ‘doctrinal sterility since the days of Ghazali’, wrote Muhammad ‘Abdu, but professed to be able to find a cure by bringing it back to the spirit of the Qoran and authentic tradition. Dominated by hatred of the West, converted to the pan-Islamic and pan-Arabian programme, it shows itself hostile to the nationalist currents which disturb the Muslim World. It recommends the fusion into one of the four great juridical schools, the reunion of the dissident Muslim sects in one vast Islamic union or association, capable of opposing Europe and of ‘resisting the encroachment of its culture and imperialism'.

Muhammad ‘Abdu began by expounding his pro­gressivist programme in a course of lectures at the University of Al-Azhar, which attracted great atten­tion. They were the first public manifestation of modernism in Egypt. Soon the opposition of the reactionary ulema forced the lecturer to give up. He then helped his favourite pupil, the Syrian Seyyid Muhammad Rashid Rida, to found (1897) the monthly review, Al-Manar, or, The Lighthouse, which was to

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serve as the doctrinal organ of the party. Rashid Rida, who proclaims himself ‘Arab and Quraish', is a fanatical admirer of Ibn Taimiyya and has done nothing but accentuate the Wahhabite tendencies of the school.

The Manar declares that ‘true Islam admits all modern progress for those who do not insist on standing by a juridical rite. Everything is in the Qoran and the authentic Sunna.’ The problem is confined to discovering in their text, more than a thousand years old, the equivalent of modern concepts and ideas. The Manarists excel in this delicate operation. We are familiar with the scruples occasioned among timorous Muslims by the prohibitive laws on images. A fatwa of the Sheikh ‘Abdal-‘aziz Shawish declares that this interdiction retained its value only while the danger of a return to polytheism subsisted. The Manar (XX, 274–275) adds this reflection: Science cannot dispense with diagrams, neither can the art of war, the police, etc. How can the progress of electricity and machinery be imagined without the art of drawing and everything relating to it? Their use cannot, therefore, be other than legitimate.

The Manar condemns the subtleties and the whole casuistry of the four schools. It upbraids them for the levity with which they have enacted laws without any thought for the future. Their disagreement, their barren discussions, are compared to ‘the quarrels of the Byzantine theologians while Muhammad camped under the walls of Constantinople’. Its logic refuses to admit that the life of to-day can be bound hard and fast by a legislation built up during the three first centuries of the Hijra, or that research (ijtihad) can be forbidden in the presence of new problems and questions, which affect the very existence of Islam.

On this point, it tacitly separates from the Wahhabis

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with whom it is associated in the war against super­stition. Like them, it recommends the suppression of the ‘maulid’, with their appearance of ‘riotous fairs’. It proposes to employ the Sufi fraternities on works of public utility: charity, teaching, etc. Its irony is especially directed against the cult of the tombs of santons and their visitors whom it calls ‘quburiyyun’, or tombolators.

The Salafiyya, together with modernists of the vari­ous Muslim countries, have come to the conclusion that reform is necessary. The two bodies often differ in tone and in the choice of arguments. The Salafiyya would restrict themselves to a purification of the ancient religion freed at last from its vein of abuses and superstitions. As to the modernists, they sacrifice without regret the ‘prophetic traditions’, including the ‘Six Books’ (v. p. 77). The tactics of the Sala­fiyya are to make every effort to save them by means of pseudo-scientific glosses.

For example, ‘the reality of the evil eye', attested in Bukhari, is attributed by the Manar (V, 947) to ‘magnetic effluvia’. If the Prophet denied ‘the transmissibility of infectious diseases’, it would be, according to the same review (V, 358-359), in order to maintain, in the face of the denials of the pagans, the direct intervention of divine action. When the Sunna forbids departure from an infected region, ‘it must be with the object of circumscribing the extension of the epidemic centre’.

The Manar finds in the text of the Qoran the most daring modern theories, not excepting Darwin's natural selection. The jinn are alleged to represent the activity of microbic agents. Is not the etymological meaning of this word that which is hidden? The Qoran (105, 4) is supposed to have made another allusion to them in ‘the birds in flocks (ababil)’ which

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annihilated the Abyssinian Army. When in this book lightning is mentioned, electricity must be understood. Muhammad ‘Abdu and his disciples are fond of quoting Leibnitz, Spencer, Auguste Comte, Berthelot, Tolstoi, Dr. Gustave Le Bon. They propose to substitute the gramophone for the ‘two witnesses’ required by the Qoran. According to them, recourse to an X-ray examination advantageously replaces the ‘‘idda’ or Qoranic respite (65, 4) of three months imposed on a divorced wife (Manar, XXI, 78).

It is not always easy, as may be seen, to establish a line of demarcation between the programme of the progressivists and that of the modernists. Determined never to lose touch with orthodoxy, the school of the Manar is anxious to distinguish itself by the novelty and unexpectedness of its interpretations. But where the Qoran is concerned the most advanced modernists never speak of it except with respect nor bring into question its character as a revealed book. All vie zealously with one another in the apologia of Islam. They often enhance the credit of Qoranic institutions, by pointing to the temperance campaign and the recrudescence of divorce among Christian peoples. Above all, the progressivists boast they can prove that as far as liberty of conscience, the rights of man and the other ‘conquests’ of modern civilization are concerned, Islam is several centuries ahead of Europe.

With meritorious energy they all take up arms against polygamy. But how is the text of the Qoran (4, 3), which allows four wives, to be circumvented? ‘This passage’, they reply, ‘only contemplates an exceptional measure. There can be no question of anything beyond mere permission. Now, no one would venture to con­sider the right of the State to withdraw any permis­sion when it is considered prejudicial to the public good.’ The Qoran has, moreover, rendered this per 

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missive clause invalid, ‘since it has hedged it round with conditions which are, humanly speaking, unrealiz­able. Polygamy agrees very ill with domestic educa­tion; therefore it behoves the religious authorities to study this problem. Since religion pursues the good of society, it is beyond dispute that if an institution produces harmful effects it must be modified and adapted to the needs of the time. . . .Whence it follows’, concludes the Manar (XII, 572), ‘that polygamy is absolutely unlawful.’ The Indian modernists had arrived at the same conclusion and those of Turkey have set it down in a legislative text. All are agreed in affirming that, judiciously interpreted, the Qoran not only proclaims the complete equality of the sexes, but that in its efforts to raise the status of woman, it has outstripped all other religions.

We have previously mentioned (p. 207) the opinion of the Egyptian modernists who liken Muhammad to any other legislator or dispute the right of Qoranic legislation to regulate civil life.

IN TURKEY. Modernism was narrowly watched under the reign of ‘Abdulhamid, and was not free to manifest its vitality until after the fall of the Sultan (July 1908). It is conspicuous among other modernist movements sprouting from Islamic soil by reason of its strict subordination to a programme of nationalist claims, which, after the interlude of the Young Turks, were realized in their fullest degree by the Kemalists. Before the advent of the latter the attitude of the parties in Turkey towards the religious problem was as follows:—

The orthodox conservatives were opposed to all innovation and proposed to maintain Islam as it had been constituted by thirteen centuries of existence. This party was disarmed by the pressure of the Nationalists and Reformists. The Nationalists cherished

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vague sympathies for Islam, ‘the historic religion of the Turkish people', but had the intention of modi­fying its political and social legislation in order to bring it into conformity with that of modern coun­tries. They prepared the way for the extreme revo­lutionary changes of the Kemalists. The reformists desired improvements and professed to go back beyond traditional Islam to primitive Islam. Their programme corresponded, in broad outline, to that of the Salafiyya. Nationalists and reformists alike recognized the neces­sity for reorganizing the religious instructions of the people, with this difference, that the former proposed to entrust it to the State without the intermediate control of the Sheikh al-Islam.

The Nationalists have laboured gradually to ‘de-Arabize’ the Muslim religion; they have protested against the exclusive use of Arabic in the ceremonies of the cult and also against the importance attributed to Arab tradition and custom in the religious legislation of Islam. They place on the same footing as the Shari'a the Qanuns (v. p. 92) or codes of law enacted by the Ottoman Sultans. ‘Obscurantism alone could persist in denying them the same value, just as it had brought about the checkmate of the timid reforms attempted by the Tanzimat.'

For the Reformists, the religious problem took prece­dence over everything. Their best accredited repre­sentative was the Egyptian prince Sa'id Halim Pasha, former Grand-Vizier, who died at Naples, whither he had retired after the world-war. ‘In order to forestall the internal crisis of Islam,’ he, too, proclaimed the necessity for religious reform. This reform was to be limited to ‘a re-Islamization; it will conform to the dogmas, the ethics and the social and political ideal of Islam.’ Will the return to primitive Islam be a reaction? Presumably not, since the promoters pride

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themselves on ‘adapting it opportunely to the needs of time and place'. Do they not possess a panacea? By the judicious use of ijtihad,’ it is possible to create indefinitely laws adapted to the progress of the ages and the needs of divers peoples’.

In a treatise entitled Islamashmaq, or Re-Islamiza­tion, the Egyptian prince sums up the aspirations of the reformist party. This treatise contains the apologia of Islam, presented as the final religion of humanity. ‘Free from all external pressure, it entrusts to the most virtuous, the wisest and the most learned the guidance of their fellow-creatures.’ In the opinion of the Reformists, the decadence of the Turks was the result of their de-Islamization, of institu­tions borrowed from the West, and also of an exacer­bated nationalism. On this question they are once again in agreement with the Salafiyya. If, they con­clude, we understand aright the lessons of the last war, we must acknowledge the condemnation of nationalism. Back, then, to Islamic internationalism! Since the Qoran contains the absolute truth, civil, social and political, this truth cannot bear a national stamp.

To this defence of the reformist programme, the literature of the Nationalists opposes its most audacious claims. The poets have undertaken the mission of popularizing them, and join issue with the preachers in the mosques. ‘Why do they belittle material progress? Progress is life. Did steamers exist in the time of Noah? The law of evolution dominates everything. The world owes to it all progress. . . .God undoubtedly hurls the thunderbolt, but man has found the means to divert it; he has discovered the electric current and better still. . . . aeroplanes’!

On the occasion of the Congress which met at Mekka (v. p. 205) one of the most eminent Turkish publicists, Agha Uglu Ahmed-Bey, described the spirit in which

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the emancipated Turks of Anatolia will in future accom­plish the pilgrimage.

'In kissing the Black Stone he will experience the sensation of venerating, not a piece of stone fallen from Heaven, but a sacred emblem of all the traditions, of the whole history of religion. In drinking the water of Zamzam, he will look upon it not as a panacea for all his ills, but as representing a communion with the religion which he reveres and with the saintly characters who founded it. In accomplishing the course between Marwa and Safa he will not imagine that he is driving out the devil and obtaining pardon for his sins, but will dwell with emotion on what the Prophet and the saints suffered between these two hills for a faith, a conviction, a law. Finally, in making the sevenfold circuit of the Ka'ba, he will cast off the superstition of encircling a little house inhabited by God and will remember that in this very building monotheism superseded paganism. This is what the Turk will make known to the Muslim world; and this the religion worthy of the Divinity, into which he will breathe once more the breath of life.'

One of the foremost poets, Zia Gheuk Alp, a former professor of sociology at the University of Stambul, who died recently, was entrusted with the task of preparing the popular mind for the Turkization of Muslim worship. This is apparently the aim of the poem ‘Watan’, Fatherland. ‘The fatherland of the Turk is the country where from the minaret the call to prayer re-echoes in the Turkish tongue, where the peasant understands the meaning of that prayer, where the Qoran is read in Turkish in the schools.’ The Kemalists have taken upon themselves to realize all these poetical suggestions, including the translation of the Qoran into Turkish, which so greatly scandalizes the Salafiyya.

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The poems of Zia also deal with woman and the family. For woman he claims ‘equality in the mar­riage contract, in divorce and in inheritance. So long as a young girl is worth only half a man in inheritance and only a quarter of a man in marriage, neither the family nor the country will be able to raise its head.’ Progress ‘can only in reason be expected from harmony between man and wife, from the union of two souls to create the fatherland. Formerly the sexes had to pray apart. Now both worship together a single God!'

Here again the Grand National Assembly of Angora has been content to give legal force to the nationalist poet's suggestions. In their reform of the personal statute, the Kemalists have ignored the Qoranic provisions on the subject of marriage and inheritance. They have just given fresh proof of this by adopting the civil code of Switzerland in its entirety. Now this code does not consider difference of religion as a nullifying cause in marriage. According to the canonical law of Islam, nothing stood in the way of a matrimonial union between a Believer and a Scrip­turary woman. But the inverse, the marriage ‘of a female Believer with an Infidel’, is explicitly forbidden by a Qoranic text (60, 10), and Muslim circles, even those most favourable to modernist ideas, had never consented to compromise on this prohibition. It is evident that the Kemalist government shows itself, by the adoption of the Swiss code, prepared to override all considerations of religious traditionalism.

In Albania, public prayer in several mosques is recited in Albanese. The Congress of Tirana (April 1923) imposed monogamy, abolished the veil for women and declared ritual ablution optional.

SOME STATISTICAL DATA. The statistics of Islam can only be dealt with in approximations. We only

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possess the census of a few regions populated by Mus­lims—Egypt, British India, Dutch Malay, French Africa, Syria, etc. When we come to determine the total Muslim population of the world we are reduced to estimates of indifferent value and almost always exaggerated. We may recall the toast of Damascus (1898) when William II, Emperor of Germany, proclaimed himself ‘the friend of 300 million Muslims’, a figure to which the review Al-Manar (V, 605) hastened to add a further 60 millions. The highest total which has been alleged is that of a Muslim pub­licist in India, protesting in the name of ‘400 millions, his co-religionists’, against the treaty of Sevres. In the early European statistics, the estimates fluctuated between 260 and 175 million Muslims.

Strange illusions were formerly entertained concern­ing the density of the Muslim population in certain regions. In Morocco instead of 4 to 5 million inhabi­tants there were alleged to be 12 to 14 million; in China 40 million Muslims, instead of at most 7 million. It has also been confidently stated that the supremacy of Islam over the blacks was ‘inexorable and decreed by fate’, that in the course of the last century the whole of Africa north of the Equator had become Muslim. M. Delafosse, an expert on negro questions, observes that Islam ‘has produced a deep and lasting effect scarcely anywhere except among the negro or negroid populations living on the edge of the Sahara. Its adepts become more and more rare in proportion as one advances towards the South, and even in the region which we commonly call the Sudan it is far from being the numerically dominant religion.’ This is not all. Since we have become better acquainted with darker Africa, it has become evident that among the negro population Islamic propaganda has remained stationary, and that tribes formerly converted by

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force have reverted in a body to their old animist beliefs.

The Annuaire du monde Musulman of M. L. Massig­non records for 1926 a total of 240 million Muslims. The review The Moslem World (1923), correcting its statistical data of 1914, substitutes, for the original figure of 201 million Muslims, that of 235 millions. Of this number 106 millions live in the British colonies, protectorates or mandated countries, 94 millions are governed by other Western powers, 39 millions by Holland, 32 millions by France, etc. There presum­ably remains therefore a total of no more than 34 to 35 million Muslims completely independent of Western rule and scattered in China, Siam, Turkey, Arabia, Afghanistan, Persia, etc. If from the aggregate number of 235 million the sects are deducted it emerges that 210 to 215 million Believers profess the Sunni or orthodox religion. Of this number more than 90 millions belong to the Hanifite rite.

Four-fifths of the Muslim population of the world is distributed over Asia. Oceania is the part of the globe which numbers fewest Muslims, perhaps about 40,000. America comes next with 170,000 to 180,000. Of the 19 million Muslims in Europe (the Balkan Peninsula and Russia), Western Europe numbers only 50,000, all immigrants. In England, some half-score or so of Anglo-Saxon families have adopted Islam, under the form of Ahmadism (v. p. 188). In the other European countries the cases of individual Islamization ‘have not spread to the family nor been transmitted to descendants’ (Massignon). The American Behais have been mentioned above (p. 195).

In regions which have remained independent, the figure of the Muslim population is stationary. It is only progressive in the countries governed under various titles by Western powers:—British and Dutch

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India, French Africa, etc. In Egypt the population has increased fivefold in the space of a century. This growth has been especially rapid in the course of the last fifty years, that is to say, since the great works of public utility were undertaken by Westerners or under their patronage.

The percentage of illiterates remains high in Muslim centres remote from all contact with the West. We possess no precise returns on the subject except for British India and Egypt, the two countries where the war against analphabetism has been waged with the greatest steadiness and energy. In Egypt the propor­tion of Muslim men who can read is 10 per cent. and 0.60 per cent. for Muslim women. In India out of 72 million Muslims close upon three million are able to read. Taking as a basis the statistics which are available to us for other countries peopled by Muslims—95 per cent. of illiterates among the Muslims of Dutch India—The Moslem World believes itself in a posi­tion to affirm that in the whole world of Islam the number of Muslim men able to read ‘would not amount to 8 millions, and that of Muslim women would be below 500,000'.

FUTURE PROSPECTS. As we have noted (p. 221) the Muslim population continues to grow, less by the pro­gress of proselytism than by the favourable conditions which it encounters in the colonies and protector­ates of the Western powers. Everywhere else, infant mortality, epidemics, political insecurity and instability arrest or retard its development. Contrary to certain too hasty asseverations, it is by no means unknown for more or less compact groups to abandon Islam, even after centuries of nominal profession. We have quoted the case of the African negroes. In British India, Hinduism strives, with success, to provoke apos­tasy among the early Muslim converts. We may recall

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the successful propaganda carried out by the Arya Samaj and the societies under its patronage. In Java and Sumatra (Dutch Malay), the missions number thousands of proselytes, former Muslims. In Europe, as a result of the late exchanges of population, the time can be foreseen when only Russia will possess important groups of Muslims, and on these Bolshevism is beginning to exert an influence.

With Sheikh ‘Ali ‘Abdarraziq's book (p. 109), historical criticism burst rudely into the conservative circles of Islam. The condemnation of the Al-Azhar tribunal seems unlikely to stop the march of the ideas advanced by the Egyptian alim. Less than a year after (March 1926), appeared the no less suggestive book of Dr. Taha Husain, Professor at the Egyptian University of Cairo, entitled Fish-shi'r al-jahili. In this treatise, which sets out to examine the degree of authenticity of pre-Islamite poetry, the author finds occasion to reveal to his co-religionists the method of Cartesian doubt. He explains its operation and extols it as the sole path to scientific certitude. We must, according to him, ‘forget race and religion. If our conclusions happen to be contrary to our national and religious opinions, so much the worse.'

Dr. Husain defines the Sira, or Life, of the Prophet, as ‘a collection of stories and anecdotes which must be passed through the sieve of severe criticism'. In applying his method to them, he discovers that all the poetical quotations which appear in the Sira are apocry­phal, intended to show the noble extraction of the Prophet, the reality and universal expectation of his mission. The whole pre-history and proto-history of Islam which, for the most part, have their source in pre-Hijra poetry, would be found in like manner loaded with apocryphal documents. The mention of Abraham in the Qoran and his genealogical relations

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with the Arab people should not, according to Dr. Husain, be considered as irrefragible historical argu­ments. It is evident that historical criticism on its first appearance in Muslim literature was resolved to outstrip the most advanced conclusions of European Islamology. The Egyptian press gave this book the most resounding publicity.

A new spirit is breathing even in the very precincts of Al-Azhar. Here, in this citadel of conservative Islam, where the ulema of Egypt are trained, a strong group of students, ulema of the future, press for the revision of the rules and syllabuses governing the teaching of religious knowledge. Among their demands we may quote the following: ‘The sending of students to European universities where they may perfect themselves in the subjects taught at Al-Azhar, especi­ally in the philosophy (sic) of religion and in the sciences which bear upon religious beliefs.'

Islam has arrived at the cross-roads. With the exception of the old conservatives, all Muslims are conscious of the urgent need to carry out reforms and come to terms with modern progress. But each party envisages the transformation in its own way. On one point only are all instinctively agreed; on no considera­tion will they approximate to Christian civilization.

To the Salafiyya or orthodox progressivists, reform is identified with a Muslim renaissance to which Western science will serve solely as a stimulus. They will merely borrow from Europe technique and material progress, since Islam contains in itself all the elements necessary to its own regeneration. Others confine their aspirations for reform to commercial develop­ment, and this tendency has produced in Islam types unknown a quarter of a century ago: big manufacturers, shipowners, bankers and stockbrokers. In these circles the general attitude is to ignore the restrictive stipula 

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tions of the Shari'a in respect of money dealings (v. p. 63), to preserve to Islam the wealth of the Islamic countries, and to substitute Muslim for foreign capital there.

Of the great mixture of peoples in Turanian Asia, the Russian Soviet has succeeded in constituting a whole gamut of small laicized and secularized States, among which every day it strengthens national con­sciousness and which it awakens to modern life at the expense of the Islamic ideal. In Anatolia, Mustapha Kemal presides over a similar revolution. Angora and Moscow adopt, almost to a shade, the same methods in dealing with traditional Islam. Both appeal to ‘pure reason’ and to ‘intellectual emancipation'. Over all the Turanian peoples to-day the wave of modernism is breaking.

Outside the Turanian territory modernist ideas advance more discreetly, but everywhere they are gaining ground. It is from the governing classes and the intelligentsia of Islam that they recruit the bulk of their adherents. Here again The Moslem World ventures to quote numbers. It speaks of ‘6 to 10 million Muslims who are alleged to have adopted Western culture, and to have broken with the traditional type of ancient Islamic Orthodoxy so completely that they may be classed as modern Muslims’.

We do not know on what data these summary calculations are based, but it would be just as rash to deny the internal crisis through which Islam is passing as to attempt at the present time to prophesy its issue. ‘Verily, a day with Allah is as fifty thousand years’ (Qoran 22, 46; 70, 4).

BLANK PAGE

A BIBLIOGRAPHY

OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS
WHICH SHOULD BE READ
OR CONSULTED
GENERAL INFORMATION
Victor Chauvin, Bibliographie des ouvrages arabes ou relatifs aux Arabes publies dans l’Europe Chretienne de 1810 a 1885. Liege, 1892, etc. Vol. X: Le Coran et la Tradi­tion; Vol. XI: Mahomet.

Carl Brockelmann, Geschichte der arabischen Literatur. Berlin, 1898-1902, 2 volumes.



Encyclopedie de l’islam (French, English and German editions). Leiden, 1907 (in course of publication).

Th. P. Hughes, Dictionary of Islam, 2nd edition. London, 1896.

A number of excellent articles in the Encyclopædia of Religion and Ethics, edited by J. Hastings, Edinburgh, 1908–1921. The same applies to The Encyclopædia Britannica, Cambridge, 1910-11, 11th edition.

Certain jubilee collections or ‘Festschriften’ will repay exam­ination, e.g.: Orientalische Studien, Theod. Noeldeke zum siebzigsten Geburtstag gewidmet. Giessen, 1806, 2 vols.



Revue du monde musulman. Paris (from 1907 onwards).

Der Islam, Zeitschrift fur Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients. Strasburg, 1910–19; Berlin, 1919–26.

The Moslem World. London (from 1911 onwards).

Die Welt des Islams. Berlin, 1913–19, vols. 1–7.

Islamica. Leipzig, from 1924.

Revue des etudes islamiques, directeur L. Massignon, Paris (depuis 1927).

Oriente moderno, Rome (from 1921 onwards), gives precise information as to events in the Muslim world.

To these reviews, more especially devoted to Islamic ques­tions, may be added L’Afrique francaise, Paris (from 1889, etc.), and L’Asie francaise, Paris (from 1899 onwards); as also the Archives marocaines (from 1904, etc.), and the greater number of the Orientalist reviews: Journal asiatique, Paris (from 1822); Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain, London (from 1834); Zeitschrift der deutschen


227

228 ISLAM BELIEFS AND INSTITUTIONS


morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, Leipzig (from 1847); Melanges de la Faculte orientale de l’Universite S. Joseph of Beyrout (from 1906); Rivista degli studi orientali, Rome (from 1907).

L. Massignon, Annuaire du monde musulman; statistical, historic, social and economic; first year, 1923, Paris.

The same, Elements arabes et foyer d’arabisation: their role in the Muslim world of to-day (in Rev. du monde musulman, LVII, 1924).

Gius. Gabrieli, Manuale di bibliografia musulmana. Parte prima. bibliografia generale. Rome, 1916.

Gust. Weil, Geschichte der Chalifen. Mannheim, 1846, etc., 5 vols.

Aug. Muller, Der Islam im Morgan- und Abendland. Berlin, 1885, etc., 2 vols.

Leone Caetani, Annali dell’ Islam. Milan, 1905, etc., 8 vols.

The same, Studi di Storia Orientale. Milan, 1911, etc., 1st and 3rd vols.

The same, Chronographia islamica. Paris, 1912, etc., 5 parts.

Theodor Noeldeke, Orientalische Skizzen. Berlin, 1892.

Clement Huart, Histoire des Arabes. Paris, 1912, 2 vols.

Abu'l Faraj of Ispahan, Kitab al-Aghani. Bulaq, 21 vols., 1st edition, 1868. It will be found that the substance of this work, as regards the pre-Hijra period, has been utilized in Caussin de Perceval's Essai sur l’histoire des Arabes avant l’islamisme. Paris, 1847, etc., 3 vols.

Alf. von Kremer, Kulturgeschichte des Orients unter den Chalifen, Vienna, 1875-77, 2 vols. (somewhat out of date).

Carra de Vaux, Les Penseurs de l’islam. Paris, 1921, etc., 5 vols.

Ign. Goldziher, Muhammedanische Studien. Halle, 1889, etc., 2 vols. (a fundamental work).

The same, Vorlesungen uber den Islam, Heidelberg, 1910, 2nd edition, 1925. Translated into French under the title of Le dogme et la loi de l’islam. Paris, 1920 (translation by Felix Arin).

C. Snouck Hurgronje, Verspreide Geschriften (Gesammelte Schriften). Bonn and Leipzig, 1923, etc., 5 vols.

The same, Mekka. The Hague, 1888, etc., 2 vols.

C. H. Becker, Islamstudien. Berlin, 1924, 1 vol.

Duncan B. Macdonald, Development of Muslim Theology, Jurisprudence and Constitutional Theory. London, 1903.

The same, The Religious Attitude and Life in Islam. Chicago, 1909.

The same, Aspects of Islam. New York, 1911

BIBLIOGRAPHY 229
T. W. Arnold, The Preaching of Islam, 2nd ed. London, 1913.

A. Mez, Die Renaissance des Islam. Heidelberg, 1922. (Ill chosen title of an excellent monograph on Islam in the fourth century A.H.)

R. Dozy, Essai sur l’histoire de l’islamisme. Translated from the Dutch by V. Chauvin. Leyden, 1879.

C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mohammedanism. New York and London, 1916.

Martin Hartmann, Der Islam: Ein Handbuch. Leipzig, 1909.
I. THE CRADLE OF ISLAM
Abu'l Faraj and Caussin de Perceval, mentioned above.

Ign. Guidi, L’Arabie Anteislamique. Paris, 1921.

Th. Noeldeke, Geschichte der Perser und Araber zur Zeit der Sasaniden. Leyden, 1879.

The same, Die ghassanischen Fursten aus dem Hause Gafna’s. Berlin, 1887.

Ign. Goldziher, the Muhamm. Studien, already quoted, and Abhandlungen zur arabischen Philologie. Leyden, 1896, etc., 2 vols.

Rene Dussaud, Les Arabes en Syrie avantl’islam. Paris, 1907.

Jul. Wellhausen, Die Ehe bei den Arabern. Goettingen, 1893.

The same, Medina vor dem Islam (in Skizzen und Vorarbeiten, IV). Berlin, 1889.

The same, Reste arabischen Heidentums. Berlin, 2nd ed., 1897.

Will. Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia. Cambridge, 1885.

The same, The Religion of the Semites. London, 2nd ed., 1894.

G. Jacob, Das Leben der vorislamischen Beduinen. Berlin, 1892, 2nd ed.

A. Geiger, Was hat Mohammed aus dem Judentum aufgenom­men. Leipzig, 1833 and 1902 (reprint).

Hartw. Hirschfeld, Judische Elemente im Koran. Berlin, 1873.

The same, New Researches into the Composition and Exegesis of the Qoran. London, 1902.

The same, Histoire des Juifs de Medine (in the Revue des Etudes Juives, VII and X, 1883 and 1885).

A. J. Wensinck, Mohammed en de Joden te Medina. Leyden, 1908.

R. Leszynsky, Die Juden in Arabien zur zeit Mohammed. Berlin, 1910.

D.S. Margoliouth, The Relations between Arabs and Israelites prior to the Rise of Islam. London, 1923.

230 ISLAM BELIEFS AND INSTITUTIONS


C. Snouck Hurgronje, Het Mekkaansche Feest (in Verspreide Geschriften, I). In the same collection, numerous articles on Arabia (Vol. III).

Rich. Bell, The Origin of Islam in its Christian Environment. London, 1926.

W. Rudolph, Die Abhaengigkeit des Qorans von Judentum und Christentum. Stuttgart, 1922.

J. L. Burckhardt, Travels in Arabia. London, 2 vols., 1829. French translation by Eyries. Paris, 1835, 3 vols.

Ch. M. Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta. Cambridge, 1888, 2 vols.

J. Euting, Reise in Inner Arabien. Leyden, 1896 and 1914, 2 vols.

H. St. J. B. Philby, The Heart of Arabia. London, 1922, 2 vols.

R. E. Cheesman, In Unknown Arabia. London, 1926.

Jaussen and Savignac, Mission archeologique en Arabie. Paris, 1909, etc., 3 vols.

H. Lammens, Le berceau de l’islam. L’Arabie occidentale a la veille de l’hegire. Rome, 1914.

The same, La cite arabe de Taif a la veille de l’hegire. Beyrout, 1922.

The same, La Mecque a la veille de l’hegire. Beyrout, 1924.

The same, Le culte des betyles et les processions religieuses chez les Arabes preislamites (in Bull. Inst. franc. arch. orientale, XVII). Cairo.

The same, Les chretiens a la Mecque a la veille de l’hegire (Ibid., XIV).

The same, Le caractere religieux du ‘Tar’ ou vendetta chez les Arabes preislamites (Ibid., XXVI).

The same, Les sanctuaires preislamites dans l’Arabie Occidentale (in Melanges de l’Univ. S. Joseph de Beyrouth, XI). Beyrout, 1926.

The same, Les Juifs de la Mecque, a la veille de l’hegire (in Recherches de science religieuse, VIII). Paris.

The same, Les Ahabich et l’organisation militaire de la Mecque, au siecle de l’hegire (in the Journal asiatique, 19162). Paris.


II. THE FOUNDER OF ISLAM
Mohammad ibn Hisham, Sirat ar-rasul (ed. Wustenfeld). Goettingen, 1858, etc., 2 vols. German translation by Gust. Weil. Stuttgart, 1864.

Al-Waqidi, Kitab al-Maghazi (ed. Von Kremer). Calcutta,

BIBLIOGRAPHY 231
1855, etc. Abridged and annotated in German by Well­hausen under the title of Vakidi’s Kitab al-Maghazi. Berlin, 1882.

Ibn Sa'd, Kitab at-tabaqat al-Kabir (ed. by Ed. Sachau). Leyden, 1904, etc., 8 vols.

Tabari, Annales (Ta’rikh ar-rusul wa’l- muluk), ed. de Goeje. Leyden, 1879, etc., 3 vols.

Tor Andrae, Die Person Muhammeds in Lehre und Glauben seiner Gemeinde. Stockholm, 1917.

Gust. Weil, Mohammed der Prophet, sein Leben und seine Lehre. Stuttgart, 1843.

Caussin de Perceval, work mentioned above.

William Muir, The Life of Mahomet. London, 1858, etc., 4 vols.

A. Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad. Berlin, 2nd ed., 1869, 3 vols.

Theod. Noeldeke, Das Leben Mohammeds. Hanover, 1863.

Hub. Grimme, Mohammed. Munster, 1892, 2 vols. The first vol. is devoted to the life and the second to the doctrine of the Prophet.

D. S. Margoliouth, Mohammed and the Rise of Islam. London, 1905.

L. Caetani, Annali dell’ islam. Milan, 1905, etc., 1st and 2nd vols.

The same, Studi di storia orientale. Milan, 1911, 1st vol.

H. Lammens, Qoran et Tradition: comment fut composee la vie de Mahomet (in Recherches de science religieuse, I). Paris, 1910.

The same, Mahomet fut-il sincere? (Ibid., II), 1911.

The same, L’age de Mahomet et la chronologie de la Sira (in the Journal asiatique, 1911). Paris.

The same, Le Triumvirat Abou Bakr, ‘Omar et Abu ‘Obaida (in Melanges de la Faculte orientale, IV). Beyrout, 1909.

The same, Fatima et les filles de Mahomet, notes critiques pour l’etude de la Sira. Rome, 1912.

Frants Buhl, The Character of Mohammad as a Prophet (in The Moslem World, 1911).

C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, mentioned above.


III. THE SACRED BOOK OF ISLAM
Louis Maracci, Alcorani textus universus (Arabic text, Latin translation and Commentary). Patavii, 1698.

232 ISLAM BELIEFS AND INSTITUTIONS


Gust. Fluegel, Coranus arabice (numerous editions, Leipzig, from 1834, of Fluegel's recension, reviewed by Maurice Redslob). We refer to this edition.

Le Koran. A new translation of the Arabic text by M. Kasimirski. Paris, 1840 (numerous reprints).

The best English version is The Qur’an. Translated by E. H. Palmer, Oxford, new edition, 1900.

A. Fracassi, Il Corano, testo arabo et versione letterale italiana. Milan, 1914 (worthless).

The same verdict may be passed on all the early complete German versions of the Qoran. We may mention those of S. F. G. Wahl, Halle, 1828, and of L. Ullmann, Crefeld, 1840 (several reprints).

Several partial German versions where an endeavour has been made to preserve the original rhythm; frequently quoted by German orientalists.

Der Koran. Im Auszuge ubersetzt von Fried. Ruckert, herausgegeben von Aug. Muller. Frankfurt a. M., 1888.

Mart. Klamroth, Die funfzig aeltesten Suren des Korans, in gereimter deutscher Ubersetzung. Hamburg, 1890.

H. Grimme, Der Koran. Ausgewahlt, angeordnet und im Metrum des Originals ubertragen. Paderborn, 1925

Gust. Fluegel, Concordantiae Corani Arabicae. Leipzig, 1842.

Gust. Weil, Historisch-kritische Einleitung in den Koran. Bielefeld, 2nd ed., 1878.

Theod. Noeldeke, Geschichte des Qorans (new ed. revised by Friedr. Schwally, 2 vols.). Leipzig, 1909 and 1919.

Hub. Grimme, Mohammed. Munster, 2nd vol. (introduction to the Qoran and dogma of the Qoran), 1895.

Stanley Lane-Poole, Le Koran, sa poesie et ses lois. Paris, 1882.

Tabari, Tafsir al-qor’an. Cairo, 1901, etc. 30 vols.

Ign. Goldziher, Die Richtungen des islamischen Koranauslegung. Leyden, 1920.

Karl Vollers, Volkssprache und Umgangssprache im alten Arabien. Strasburg, 1906. (Deals with the language of the Qoran.)

Clement Huart, Une nouvelle source du Qoran (in the Journal asiatique, 1904).

Jac. Barth, Studien zur Kritik und Exegese des Qorans (in Der Islam, VI, 1916).

Ed. Sayous, Jesus-Christ d’apres Mahomet. Paris, 1880.

S. M. Zwemer, The Moslem Christ. London, 1912.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 233


Otto Pautz, Muhammeds Lehre von der Offenbarung. Leipzig, 1898. (The book does not fulfil the promise of its title.)

Rud. Leszinsky, Mohammedanische Traditionen uber das jungste Gericht. Heidelberg, 1909.

Paul Casanova, Mohammed et la fin du monde. A critical essay on primitive Islam. Paris, 1911, etc. (An unfortunate theme.)

Miguel Asin Palacios, La escatologia musulmana en la divina Comedia. Madrid, 1919.

C. H. Becker, Die Kanzel im Kultus des alten Islam (in Oriental. Studien, Th. Noeldeke gewidmet, Giessen, 1906, I).

A. J. Wensinck, art. ‘Hajj’ (in the Encycl. de l’islam).

D. B. Macdonald, art. ‘Jehad’ (Ibid.).

Articles on the same subject in C. Snouck Hurgronje, Ver­spreide Geschriften, 3rd vol.

Heinrich Steiner, Die Mu'taziliten oder die Freidenker im Islam, Leipzig, 1865. (The epithet ‘rationalists’ has been badly chosen.)

Wilh.Spitta, Zur Geschichte Aboa’l Hasan al-As'a-ri. Leipzig, 1876.

D. B. Macdonald, art. ‘Ash'ari’ (in the Encycl. de l’islam).

Ludolf Krehl, Ueber die koranische Lehre von der Praedestina­tion und ihr Verhaeltnis zu andern Dogmen des Islam. Leipzig, 1870.

C. H. Becker, Christische Polemik und islamische Dogmen­bildung (in Zeits. fur Assyriol., XXVI, 1912).
IV. THE TRADITION OF ISLAM
Victor Chauvin, work mentioned above, vol. X: Le Coran et la Tradition.

The Muhammedanische Studien of Ign. Goldziher, already quoted.



El-Bukhari. The Islamic Traditions, translated from the Arabic, with notes and index, by O. Houdas and W. Marcais. Paris, 1903-1914, 4 vols.

Tirmidhi, Al-jami'as-sahih. Cairo, 1872, 2 vols.

A. N. Matthews, Mishcat al-masabih, or a collection of the most authentic traditions regarding the actions and sayings of Muhammed. Calcutta, 1809-1810. (The Mishkat is an abridged version of Baghawi, Masabih as-sunna. Cairo, 1318 H., 2 vols.).

W. Marcais, Le Takrib de En-Nawawi traduit et annote (in the Journal asiatique, Paris, 1900-1901).

234 ISLAM BELIEFS AND INSTITUTIONS
Ign. Goldziher, Neue Materialien zur Literatur des Uberlief­erungswesen bei den Mahomedanern (in Zeitschrift der deuts. Morgenl. Gesellsch., L, 1896).

The same, Kaempfe um die Stellung des Hadith im Islam (Ibid., LXI, 1907).

The same, Neoplatonische und gnostische Elemente im Hadit (in Zeits. fur Assyriologie, XXII, 1909).

The same, Neutestamentliche Elemente in der Traditionsliteratur des Islam (in Oriens Christianus, II, 1902).

Theod. Noeldeke, Zur tendenzioesen Gestaltung der Urgeschichte des Islam (in Zeits. der deuts. Morgenl. Gesells., LII, 1898).

Joseph Horovitz, Alter und Ursprung des Isnad (in Der Islam, VIII, 1917).

Th. W. Juynboll, art. ‘hadith’ (in the Encyclopedie de l’islam).

H. Lammens, Qoran et Tradition, mentioned above.

The same, Fatima, etc.

For the tendencious use of the Tradition, see also:

H. Lammens, Etudes sur le regne du calife Omaiyade Mo‘awia Ier. Beyrout, 1907.

The same, Le califat de Yazid Ier. Beyrout, 1921.

The same, Ziad ibn Abihi, vice-roi de l’Iraq, lieutenant de Mo'awia Ier (in Rivista degli studi orientali, IV, 1912).

The same, Mo'awia II ou le dernier des Sofianides (Ibid., VII).


V. JURISPRUDENCE OF ISLAM
Th. W. Juynboll, Handbuch des islamischen Gesetzes. Leyden, 1910. (A good introduction to the evolution of Islamic law.)

C. Snouck Hurgronje, Verspreide Geschriften, vol. 2 (devoted to Islamic law).

Ign. Goldziher, Die Zahiriten: Ihr Lehrsystem und ihre Ge­schichte. Leipzig, 1884.

The same, art. ‘figh’ (in the Encyclop. de l’islam).

F. F. Schmidt, Die occupatio im islamischen Recht (in Der Islam, I, 1910).

Th. W. Juynboll, art. ‘Abu Hanifa’ and ‘Hanafites’ (in the Encycl. de l’islam).

Ch. Hamilton, The Hedaya or Guide. A Commentary on the Musulman Law (hanifite). London, 2nd ed., 1870, 4 vols.

Khalil ibn Ishak, Precis de jurisprudence musulmane selon le rite malekite. Translated by A. Perron. 2nd ed. Paris, 6 vols.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 235
An Italian and better version of the ‘Muhtasar’ of the same Ibn Ishak, by D. Santillana and Ign. Guidi, was published in Milan, 1919, 2 vols.

O. Houdas and Fr. Martel, Traite de droit musulman (malekite). Le Tohfat d’Eben Acem avec traduction francaise. Algiers, 1893.

M. Morand, Avant-projet de code du droit musulman algerien. Algiers, 1916.

Beshara El Khoury, Essai sur la theorie des preuves en droit musulman. Beyrout, 1926.

Eduard Sachaii, Muhammedanisches Recht nach schafa'itischer Lehre. Berlin, 1897.

Ferd. Wustenfeld, Der Imam el-Schafi'i, seine Schuler und Anhaenger bis zum Jahre 300 H.

Walter Melville Patton, Ahmed ibn Hanbal and the Mihna. Leyden, 1897.

Ign. Goldziher, Zur Geschichte der hanbalitischen Bewegung (in Zeits. der deuts. Morgenl. Gesells., LXII, 1908).

The same, art. ‘Ibn Hanbal’ (in the Encycl. de l’islam).

The same, Zur Literatur des Ichtilaf al-madahib (in Zeits. der deuts. Morgenl. Gesells., XXXVIII, 1884).

C. Van Arendonk, art. ‘Ibn Hazm’ (in Encycl. de l’islam).

J. Schacht, Das Kitab al-hial des Abu Bakr al-Hassaf. Hano­ver, 1923.

The same, Das Kitab al-hial des Abu Hatim al-Qazuini. Hanover, 1924.

Ign. Goldziher, art. ‘Ibn Taimiya’ (in the Encycl. of Religion and Ethics).

C. H. Becker, Bartholds Studien uber Kalif und Sultan (in Der Islam, 1916. Barthold's memoir in Russian on the Caliphate is a classic).

C. A. Nallino, Appunti sulla natura dell califfato in genere e sul presunto califfato ottomano. Rome, 1916.

Th. W. Arnold, The Caliphate. Oxford, 1924.

Etudes sur la notion islamique de souverainete (a collection of memoirs relating to the Caliphate in the Revue du monde musulman, LIX, 1925).

'Ali ‘Abd ar-Raziq, Al-Islam wa osul al-hukm, Cairo, 1925, several editions. (Cf. H. Lammens, La crise interieure de l’islam in Les Etudes, 20 January, 1926, Paris.)


VI. MYSTICISM
The works of Dunc. B. Macdonald, given in General Informa­tion.

236 ISLAM BELIEFS AND INSTITUTIONS


Alf, von Kremer, Geschichte der herschenden Ideen des Islams. Leipzig, 1868.

Ign. Goldziher, De l’ascetisme aux premiers temps de l’islam (in Rev. hist. des religions, XXXVII, 1898).

Reyn. A. Nicholson, The Mystics of Islam. London, 1914,

The same, Studies in Islamic Mysticism. Cambridge, 1921.

W. H. T. Gairdner, ‘The Way’ of the Mohammedan Mystic. Leipzig, 1912.

Rich. Hartmann, Zur Frage nach der Herkunft und den Anfaen­gen des Sufitums (in Der Islam, VI, 1916).

The same, Al-Kuschairi’s Darstellung des Sufitums. Berlin, 1914.

Louis Massignon, Kitab al-Tawasin d’Al-Hallaj. Paris, 1913.

The same, La passion d’al-Hallaj, martyr mystique de l’islam. Paris, 1922, 2 vols.

The same, Essai sur les origines du lexique technique de la mystique musulmane. Paris, 1922.

H. Lammens, Al-Hallaj, un mystique musulman au 3e siecle de l’hegire (in Recherches de science relig., 1914).

Maur. Bouyges, Algazeliana, sur dix publications relatives a Algazel (in Mel. Universite St. Joseph de Beyrout, VIII, 1922).

Miguel Asin Palacios, La mystique d’al-Gazzali (Ibid., VII, 1914).

The same, Algazel: Dogmatica, Moral, Ascetica. Saragossa, 1901.

The same, El mistico murciano Abenarabi, monographias y documentos Madrid, 1925-26, 3 vols.

By the same, several penetrating studies in Spanish on the philosophers of Islamic Spain.

Carra de Vaux, Gazali. Paris, 1902.

S. Zwemer, A Moslem Seeker after God. New York, 1920.

W. H. T. Gairdner, Al-Ghazali’s Mishkat al-Anwar and the Ghazali Problem (in Der Islam, V, 1914).

C. A. Nallino, Il poema mistico d’Ibn al-Farid in una recente traduzione italiana (in Riv. degli studi orientali, VIII, 1919).

Louis Rinn, Marabouts et Khouan: etude sur l’islam en Algerie. Algiers, 1885.

Oct. Depont and Xav. Coppolani, Les confreries religieuses musulmanes. Algiers, 1897.

C. Snouck Hurgronje, Les confreries religieuses, la Mecque et le panislamisme (in Verspreide Geschriften, vol. III).

A. Le Chatelier, Les confreries musulmanes au Hedjaz. Paris, 1889.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 237
Margaret Smith, Rabi'a the Mystic and her Fellow Saints in Islam. Cambridge, 1928.

Ed. Montet, Les confreries religieuses de l’islam marocain: leur role religieux, politique et social (in Rev. hist. des relig., XLV, 1902).

P. J. Andre, L'islam noir; a contribution to the study of the Islamic religious fraternities in West Africa. Paris, 1924 (lacking in precision).

D. S. Margoliouth, art. ‘Abd al-Kadir’ (in Encycl. de l’islam).

Georg Jacob, Beitraege zur Kenntnis der Derwisch-Ordens des Bektaschis. Berlin, 1908.

K. Voller, art. ‘Ahmed al-Badawi’ (in Encyc. de l’islam).


VII. THE SECTS
Th. Haarbrucker, Asch-Schahrastani’s Religionsparteien und Philosophenschulen ubersetzt. Halle, 1850, etc., 2 vols.

Rud. E. Brunnow, Die Charidschiten unter den ersten Omayyaden. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Ien islamischen Jahrhunderts. Leyden, 1884.

Julius Wellhausen, Die religioes-politischen Oppositionsparteien im alten Islam (in Abhandlungen der koenigl. Gesells. der Wissensch. in Goettingen). Berlin, 1901 (important).

A. de Motylinski, art. ‘Abadites’and ‘‘Abdallah ibn Ibad’ (in Encycl. de l’islam).

M. J. de Goeje, Memoire sur les Carmathes du Bahrain, 2nd ed. Leyden, 1886.

Israel Friedlander, The Heterodoxies of the Shiites according to Ibn Hazm. New Haven, 1909.

Ign. Goldziher, Beitraege zur Literaturgeschichte der Schi'a und der Sunnitischen Polemik (in Sitzungsberichte der K. Akad. der Wissensch.). Vienna, 1874.

The same, Das Prinzip der Takiya im Islam (in Zeits. der deuts. Morgenl. Gesells., LX, 1906).

Th. Noeldeke, Zur Ausbreitung des Schiitismus (in Der Islam, XIII, 1923).

James Darmesteter, Le Mahdi depuis les origines de l’islam jusqu’d nos jours. Paris, 1885.

C. Snouck Hurgronje, Der Mahdi (in Verspreide Geschriften, I.).

Van Vloten, Recherches sur la domination Arabe. Amsterdam, 1894.

E. Blochet, Le messianisme dans l’heterodoxie musulmane. Paris, 1903.

A. Noeldeke, Das Heiligtum al-Husains zu Kerbela. Berlin, 1909.

238 ISLAM BELIEFS AND INSTITUTIONS
R. Strothmann, Die Literatur der Zaiditen (in Der Islam, I–II, 1910–1911).

The same, Das Staatsrecht der Zaiditen. Strasburg, 1912.

The same, Der Kultus der Zaiditen. Strasburg, 1912.

The same, Das Problem der literarischen Persoenlichkeit Zaid ibn ‘Ali (in Der Islam, XIII, 1923).

Corn. Van Arendonk, De Opkomst van het zaidietisch imamaat in Yemen. Leyden, 1919.

E. Griffini, Corpus Juris di Zaid ibn ‘Ali. Milan, 1919.

L. Massignon, Esquisse d’une Bibliographie qarmate (in Oriental Studies presented to E. G. Browne. Cambridge, 1922).

Ign. Goldziher, Streitschrift des Gazali gegen die Batiniya-Sekte. Leyden, 1916.

W. Ivanow, Ismailitica. Calcutta, 1922.

Silvestre de Sacy, Expose de la religion des Druses, tire des livres religieux de cette secte. Paris, 1838, 2 vols. (a funda­mental work).

Henri Guys, La nation druse, son histoire, sa religion, ses mœurs et son etat politique. Paris, 1864.

Max von Oppenheim, Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf. Berlin, 1899, 1st vol.

Christ. Seybold, Die Drusenschrift: Kitab al-noqat walda­wair. Kirchhain, 1902.

Rene Dussaud, Histoire et religion des Nosairis. Paris, 1900.

H. Lammens, Les Nosairis: Notes sur leur histoire et leur religion (in Les Etudes, 1899, Paris).

The same, Les Nosairis furent-ils chretiens? A propos d’un livre recent (in the review L’Orient chretien. Paris, 1901).

The same, Les Nosairis dans le Liban (Ibid., 1902).

Wladimir Minorsky, Note sur la secte des Ahle-Haqq (in Rev. monde musulm., XL).


VIII. REFORMISTS AND MODERNISTS
Ign. Goldziher, his works cited above, Vorlesungen, etc.; Richtungen, etc.

C. Snouck Hurgronje, Mohammedanism, already cited (last chapter), Mekka, 1st vol.

S. G. Wilson, Modern Movements in Islam. New York, 1916.

Etude sur la notion islamique de souverainete (in Rev. du monde musulm., LIX).

Th. Lothrop Stoddard, The New World of Islam. New York, 1921.

Burckhardt, Voyages en Arabie, previously cited.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 239


R. Laurent-Vibert, Ce que j’ai vu en Orient. Paris, 1922 (good observations).

H. L. Fleischer, Briefwechsel zwischen den Anfuhrern der Wah­habiten und dem Pascha von Damascus (in Zeits. deuts. Morgenl. Gesells., XI, 1857).

Jul. Euting, Tagebuch, previously cited, 1st vol.

Rich. Hartmann, Die Wahhabiten (in Zeits. deuts. Morgenl. Gesells., LXXVIII, 1924).

H. St. J. B. Philby, work previously cited.

De Gobineau, Les religions et les philosophies dans l’Asie centrale. Paris, 1865.

Herm. Roemer, Die Babi-Beha’i, die jungste Muhammedanische Sekte. Potsdam, 1912.

Edw. G. Browne, A Traveller’s Narrative written to illustrate the episode of the Bab. Cambridge, 1891, 2 vols.

The same, Materials for the Study of the Babi religion. Cambridge, 1918.

Clem. Huart, La religion de Bab. Paris, 1889.

A. L. M. Nicolas, Seyed Ali Mohammed, dit le Bab. Paris, 2nd ed., 1908, 2 vols.

The same, Essai sur le Cheikhisme. Paris, 1910.

Hipp. Dreyfus, Essai sur le behaisme, son histoire, sa portee sociale. Paris, 1909.

Myron W. Phelps, Life and Teachings of Abbas efendi. New York, 1904.

M. Th. Houtsma, art. ‘‘Abbas Efendi’(in the Encycl. de l’islam).

R. Mielek, ‘Vom Bahaismus in Deutschland’ (in Der Islam, XIII).

H. D. Griswold, The Ahmadia Movement (in The Moslem World, 1912).

M. Th. Houtsma, art. ‘Ahmediya’ (in Encycl. de l’islam).

H. Lammens, La crise interieure de 1’islam (in Les Etudes, Vol. 186. Paris, 1926).

Le domaine de l’islam (in Rev. du monde musulm., LV, 1923).

J. Castagne, Russie slave et Russie turque (Ibid., LVI, 1923).

The same, Le Bolchevisme et l’islam (Ibid., LI–LII, 1922).

Hubert Jansen, Verbreitung des Islams, mit Angabe der verschiedenen Riten, Sekten und religioesen Bruderschaften in den verschiedenen Laendern der Erde. Friederichshagen, 1897.

S. Zwemer, A New Census of the Moslem World (in Moslem World, XIII, 1923).

240 ISLAM BELIEFS AND INSTITUTIONS


M. Delafosse, L’Animisme negre et sa resistance a l’islamisation en Afrique (in Rev. monde musulm., XLIX).

Marshall Broomhall, Islam in China, a neglected problem. London, 1910.

Commandant d'Ollone, Recherches sur les musulmans chinois. Paris, 1911.

Ahmed Muhiddin, Die Kulturbewegung in modernen Tur­kentum. Leipzig, 1921.

Aug. Fischer, Aus der religioesen Reformbewegung in der Turkei. Leipzig, 1922.

Sheykh Mohammed Abdu, Rissalat al Tawhid, expose de la religion musulmane. Translated from the Arabic with an introduction on the life and ideas of the Sheykh Moh. Abdu by B. Michel and the Sheykh Mustapha Ab-del Raziq. Paris, 1925.

John R. Mott, The Moslem World of To-day. London, 1925.

Max Meyerhof, Le monde islamique. Paris, 1926.



THE QORAN
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2, 63

153

19, 29

51

2, 74

52

20, 87, ect.

39

2, 172

41

22, 76

47

2, 175

92

24, 10, 11

47

2, 194

43

24, 35, ect.

22

2, 220

106

30, 4

23

3, 5

94

30, 13-15

55

3, 31

51

33, 9-27

31

3, 60

47

33, 21

65

3, 119

30

33, 33

146

4, 3

214

33, 37

39, 47

4, 155, 156

51

33, 40

50

5, 42

66

33, 62

207

5, 56

62

37, 12

43

5, 85

22

37, 130

153

6, 102

53

43, 3

153

9, 25

34

46, 28

49

9, 28

154

48, 18

68

9, 29

27

49, 10

198

9, 31

105, 154

53, 3

66

9, 101

28

54, 49

122

14, 40

15

57, 27

112

16, 5-7

3

60, 10

219

16, 61

21

61, 6

24, 51

16, 70

153

65, 4

214

16, 105

22

93, 1, ect.

25

17, 24

84

93, 7

153

18, 48

49

96, 1-5

26

18, 64-81

131

105, 4

213

19, 22

39

111, 1

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