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Writing of the Iroquois nation,Writing of the Iroquois nation, Smith has argued that through the chiefs’ council, tribal chiefs traditionally maintained complete control over the political affairs of both the Iroquois tribal league and the individual tribes belonging to the league, whereas the sole jurisdiction over religious affairs resided with the shamans. According to Smith, this division was maintained until the late nineteenth century, when the dissolution of the chiefs’ council and the consequent diminishment of the chiefs’ political power fostered their increasing involvement in religious affairs. However, Smith fails to recognize that this division of power between the tribal chiefs and shamans (shaman: n.萨满教的道士, 僧人或巫师) was not actually rooted in Iroquois tradition; rather, it resulted from the Iroquois’ resettlement on reservations early in the nineteenth century. Prior to resettlement, the chiefs’ council controlled only the broad policy of the tribal league; individual tribes had institutions—most important, the longhouse (a long communal dwelling of some No. American Indians (as the Iroquois))—to govern their own affairs. In the longhouse, the tribe’s chief influenced both political and religious affairs. 24. The primary purpose of the passage is to (A) question the published conclusions of a scholar concerning the history of the Iroquois nation (B) establish the relationship between an earlier scholar’s work and new anthropological research (C) summarize scholarly controversy concerning an incident from Iroquois history (D) trace two generations of scholarly opinion concerning Iroquois social institutions（A） (E) differentiate between Iroquois political practices and Iroquois religious practices 25. It can be inferred that the author of the passage regards Smith’s argument as (A) provocative and potentially useful, but flawed by poor organization (B) eloquently presented, but needlessly inflammatory (C) accurate in some of its particulars, but inaccurate with regard to an important point (D) historically sound, but overly detailed and redundant（C） (E) persuasive in its time, but now largely outdated 26. The author of the passage implies that which of the following occurred after the Iroquois were resettled on reservations early in the nineteenth century? (A) Chiefs became more involved in their tribes’ religious affairs. (B) The authority of the chiefs’ council over the affairs of individual tribes increased. (C) The political influence of the Iroquois shamans was diminished. (D) Individual tribes coalesced into the Iroquois tribal league.（B） (E) The longhouse because a political rather than a religious institution. 27. Which of the following best expresses an opinion presented by the author of the passage? (A) Smith has overstated the importance of the political role played by Iroquois tribal chiefs in the nineteenth century. (B) Smith has overlooked the fact that the Iroquois rarely allowed their shamans to exercise political authority. (C) Smith has failed to explain why the chiefs’ council was dissolved late in the nineteenth century. (D) Smith has failed to acknowledge the role prior to the nineteenth century of the Iroquois tribal chiefs in religious affairs.（D） (E) Smith has failed to recognize that the very structure of Iroquois social institutions reflects religious beliefs.
The age at which young children begin to make moral discriminations about harmful actions committed against themselves or others has been the focus of recent research into the moral development of children. Until recently, child psychologists supported pioneer developmentalist Jean. Piaget in his hypothesis that because of their immaturity, children under age seven do not take into account the intentions of a person committing accidental or deliberate harm, but rather simply assign punishment for transgressions on the basis of (on the basis of: prep.以...为基础) the magnitude of the negative consequences caused. According to Piaget, children under age seven occupy the first stage of moral development, which is characterized by moral absolutism (rules made by authorities must be obeyed) and imminent (ready to take place; especially: hanging threateningly over one's head “was in imminent danger of being run over”这个词好象不没有immediately的意思) justice (if rules are broken, punishment will be meted (to give out by measure: DOLE usually used with out “mete out punishment”) out). Until young children mature, their moral judgments are based entirely on the effect rather than the cause of a transgression. However, in recent research, Keasey found that six-year-old children not only distinguish between accidental and intentional harm, but also judge intentional harm as naughtier, regardless of the amount of damage produced. Both of these findings seem to indicate that children, at an earlier age than Piaget claimed, advance into the second stage of moral development, moral autonomy, in which they accept social rules but view them as more arbitrary than do children in the first stage. Keasey’s research raises two key questions for developmental psychologists about children under age seven: do they recognize justifications for harmful actions, and do they make distinctions between harmful acts that are preventable and those acts that have unforeseen harmful consequences? Studies indicate that justifications excusing harmful actions might include public duty, self-defense, and provocation. For example, Nesdale and Rule concluded that children were capable of considering whether or not an aggressor’s action was justified by public duty: five year olds reacted very differently to “Bonnie wrecks Ann’s pretend house” depending on whether Bonnie did it “so somebody won’t fall over it” or because Bonnie wanted “to make Ann feel bad.” Thus, a child of five begins to understand that certain harmful actions, though intentional, can be justified; the constraints of moral absolutism no longer solely guide their judgments. Psychologists have determined that during kindergarten children learn to make subtle distinctions involving harm. Darley observed that among acts involving unintentional harm, six-year-old children just entering kindergarten could not differentiate between foreseeable, and thus preventable, harm and unforeseeable harm for which the perpetrator cannot be blamed. Seven months later, however, Darley found that these same children could make both distinctions, thus demonstrating that they had become morally autonomous. 21. Which of the following best describes the passage as a whole? (A) An outline for future research (B) An expanded definition of commonly misunderstood terms (C) An analysis of a dispute between two theorists (D) A discussion of research findings in an ongoing inquiry（D） (E) A confirmation of an established authority’s theory 22. According to the passage, Darley found that after seven months of kindergarten six year olds acquired which of the following abilities? (A) Differentiating between foreseeable and unforeseeable harm (B) Identifying with the perpetrator of a harmful action (C) Justifying harmful actions that result from provocation (D) Evaluating the magnitude of negative consequences resulting from the breaking of rules（A） (E) Recognizing the difference between moral absolutism and moral autonomy 23. According to the passage, Piaget and Keasey would not have agreed on which of the following points? (A) The kinds of excuses children give for harmful acts they commit (B) The age at which children begin to discriminate between intentional and unintentional harm (C) The intentions children have in perpetrating harm (D) The circumstances under which children punish harmful acts（B） (E) The justifications children recognize for mitigating punishment for harmful acts 24. It can be inferred that the term “public duty” (line 33) in the context of the passage means which of the following? (A) The necessity to apprehend perpetrators. (B) The responsibility to punish transgressors (C) An obligation to prevent harm to another (D) The assignment of punishment for harmful action（C） (E) A justification for punishing transgressions 25. According to the passage, Keasey’s findings support which of the following conclusions about six-year-old children? (A) They have the ability to make autonomous moral judgments. (B) They regard moral absolutism as a threat to their moral autonomy. (C) They do not understand the concept of public duty. (D) They accept moral judgment made by their peers more easily than do older children.（A） (E) They make arbitrary moral judgments. 26. It can be inferred from the passage that Piaget would be likely to agree with which of the following statements about the punishment that children under seven assign to wrongdoing? (A) The severity of the assigned punishment is determined by the perceived magnitude of negative consequences more than by any other factor. (B) The punishment is to be administered immediately following the transgression. (C) The children assign punishment less arbitrarily than they do when they reach the age of moral autonomy. (D) The punishment for acts of unintentional harm is less severe than it is for acts involving accidental harm.（A） (E) The more developmentally immature a child, the more severe the punishment that the child will assign. 27. According to the passage, the research of Nesdale and Rule suggests which of the following about five-year-old children? (A) Their reactions to intentional and accidental harm determine the severity of the punishments they assign. (B) They, as perpetrators of harmful acts, disregard the feelings of the children they harm. (C) They take into account the motivations of actions when judging the behavior of other children. (D) They view public duty as a justification for accidental, but not intentional, harm.（C） (E) They justify any action that protects them from harm.
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