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It is also important to note that the pace of utilization has picked up after August in all the states.

Awareness
Awareness about the NREGS is very high in the sense that they know an Act has been passed under which they will get 100 days of work in a year. Despite this, the knowledge about the provisions is very sketchy resulting in poor quality of awareness. However, most people are unaware about vital details such as application for work, eligibility, definition of household, etc. The lack of information about details is partly due to the newness of the Scheme and the lack of knowledge of the Panchayat and government officials themselves, and partly a deliberate attempt by the administration to obfuscate issues or mislead people. This is esp. true about applications and wage rate. The non-payment of minimum wages was justified by many states by wrongly ascribing it to Centrally-determined productivity norms. Another related reason is that most people learnt of the Scheme first from TV and each other, or “word of mouth”, either because they did not attend the gram sabha or because the gram sabhas were not held.
In fact, the lack of awareness about the details was so appalling that it was mostly impossible for us to remain mute or dispassionate spectators. In Orissa, Maharashtra and Tamil Nadu, we spent hours explaining the provisions to workers and government/PRI functionaries. At many times, we had to intervene. The response of the Collectors was usually swift and effective when it came to delays in job card distribution and wage payment. They were less responsive on wage rates and pleaded helplessness in the face of the high productivity norms. Perhaps because they are more deeply enmeshed in the local power matrix, the BDOs were less responsive.
In Maharashtra, we were informed by officials at the Collectorate and the Mahur tehsil that the state government conducted special gram sabhas on the 2nd of February in every village to inform people about the NREGS and appeal to them to register as workers under the scheme. The Mahur Tehsildar was emphatic that meetings were held in every one of the 63 GPs. Yet, barring a handful of exceptions, virtually no one was aware of the full dimensions of the Scheme. In Dahegaon, for example, workers on the site told us that there had not been a gram sabha for 10 years in the village. In Maharashtra’s Nandurbar district, there was no notice given to the cluster about the meeting, but one of the villagers present told us that he happened to sit in the gram sabha held at Rajburdi during the month of February. According to him, there were around 15-20 men present in the gram sabha, they included the Sarpanch, Deputy Sarpanch and 3-4 members of the gram panchayat. Not a single woman was present, including the women elected as members of the GP. He told us that in the meeting, he learnt of a Scheme that would provide one person from each family with 100 days of employment. Villagers at the Rampur worksite had heard about the NREGS on the radio. The women from Rampur told us that women did not generally attend the gram sabha. They wanted to know if they could get a wage of Rs 60 as advertised.


Table 34: Sources of Information about NREGA



Tamil Nadu



Maharashtra

Orissa

West Bengal

Introduction

Details

Introduction

Details

Introduction

Details

Introduction

Details

Sarpanch/Gram Sabha

22

10

27

18

21

12

43

65

Gram Sevak/Computer operator/Village Labour Leader, etc

 

17

 

18

14

46

 

 

Other government officials

6

45

14

23

12

14

 

 

Posters

4

6

2

 

3

5

8

4

Television/Radio

21

3

4

4

7

8

41

29

Word of mouth

47

19

53

37

43

15

8

2

Government officials claimed that they had done wide publicity and put up notices, used loudspeakers and drum-beaters, etc., this appears to have only been done in the main village or “oor” and left out the Dalit hamlets or “colony” in Tamil Nadu. In fact, a few officials too admitted off the record that sometimes the meetings were never held and only quorum sheets signed.


The main issues on which confusion or ignorance persists are the following:


  1. The majority were clueless of their entitlements, except that 100 days of work will be provided. The general feeling amongst the workers was that the procedures of the NFFWP and SGRY would continue, with the difference that now families would receive 100 days of work. Workers did not know that they could themselves define their household as nuclear, minimum wages were mandatory, minimal worksite facilities (child care, shade, drinking water and first aid) were to be provided, work was to be preferably provided within 5 kilometers, unemployment allowance was to be paid, etc.

  2. Payment of minimum wages: most state governments and officials at all levels seem to feel that productivity norms dictate wages whereas the NREGA is quite clear that productivity norms should be set to ensure minimum wage payment.

  3. The process of registration and verification is very simple under the NOG and NREGA. It only requires verification of local residence, attainment of adulthood and being a nuclear household (including single member households). This is to be done by the gram sabha and PRIs. However, in most places some documentary proof or the other (Voter ID, Ration Card, Census List, etc.) was required.

  4. The most baffling issue for workers, officials and panchayat functionaries alike was the definition of household and the coverage of the elderly. While in many places the elderly were deliberately not included in job cards, in other places entire joint families (on the basis of common kitchen) were registered as a household unit.

  5. Workers are unaware about the mechanics of the Scheme or that availing the guarantee involves three steps after registration and receipt of job card:

    1. Application for at least 15 days of continuous work on prescribed format;

    2. Obtaining a dated receipt for the same;

    3. Application for unemployment allowance if work is not provided within the stipulated 15 days;

The popular perception is that receipt of the job card automatically guarantees households 100 days of work, and the onus is on the state government. The fact is entirely the opposite and the initiative rests with the workers.

  1. Respondents sometimes did not know that works were to be selected and prioritised by gram sabhas, and that contractors were banned and machines discouraged under the Scheme.


Definition of Household
Most state governments were issuing job cards on the basis of a pre-existing household listing done on the basis of common kitchen which was used for the Census and the ration cards. Even though we were told that this was used as the building block for identifying new households, most states stuck to common kitchen as the definitional unit for a household. The NOG on the other hand has adopted the more inclusive definition of nuclear family, explicitly recognizing single member households.


Table 35: Percentage of Joint and Nuclear Families


Tamil Nadu




Maharashtra

Village

Joint

Nuclear




Village

Joint

Nuclear

Kalamaruthur

56

44




Sayphal

54

46

Kumaramangalam

63

37




Hardap

51

49

Illupur

41

60




Chinchora (Dara)

29

71

Keelaiyur

61

40




Telkhedi

44

56

 

 

 













West Bengal




Orissa

Village

Joint

Nuclear




Village

Joint

Nuclear

Karnagarh

33

67




Kanthi

49

51

Jaambani

41

59




Bodhimoha

61

39

Choukidghata

29

71




Bahubandha

53

47

Tasar Ara(N)

36

64




Jharbeda

46

54

Benia Baid

24

76




Jagada

39

61

Kankradara

27

73













Tantkanali

44

56













Jamda

31

69













Salbani

36

64












This is essentially a case of oversight or administrative laziness – most officials were either unaware of the provision in the Guidelines or simply continued with the existing lists due to the force of habit. Contradictions within state Schemes also have a role to play. Both Orissa and Tamil Nadu have defined households as nuclear in accordance with the NOG, but have undermined this by instructing PRIs and POs to use pre existing lists drawn-up on the basis of common kitchen for verification. This has rather serious implications in terms of entitlements. For example, in the case of a joint family with 4 adults, the common kitchen definition reduces entitlements by one-half, to 25 days per person instead of 50 days per person. This makes a dramatic difference to the livelihood security of these households. Several respondents lived as joint families and have 6-10 members registered in the same job card. This effectively reduces their entitlement since smaller households will get more wore work per capita. This is patently unfair and heavily pitted against joint families. It is also not in accordance with the NOG as well as several state schemes, which provides that “1.3. ‘Household’ will mean a nuclear family comprising mother, father, and their children, and may include any person wholly or substantially dependent on the head of the family. Household will also mean a single-member family.”





Table 36: Missing Nuclear/Single Member Households

 

Tamil Nadu

Orissa

Maharashtra

West Bengal

Widowed/Separated daughter in natal home

15

5

13

13

Widowed daughter-in-law /Second wife of polygamous son

11

4

7

5

Female-headed households

9

7

15

7

Adult unmarried children

94

102

85

71

Adult married children

82

92

73

53

Total (including adult unmarried children)

211

210

193

149

Total (excluding adult unmarried children)

117

108

108

78
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