Wang ch‘ung lun-hêng philosophical essays Traduits et annotés par Alfred forke

6 Analects XVII, 3 [Couvreur].

1 Shiking I, Bk. IV, Ode IX, 2. Vid. above p. 374. [Legge] [Couvreur].

2 One of the Ten Philosophers, whose work has come down to us. He lived in the 3rd cent. B. C. His original surname Hsün — hence Hsün Tse — was changed into Sun under the reign of the Emperor Hsüan Ti of the Han dynasty, 73-48 B. C., whose personal name was Hsün. Cf. Edkins, ‘Siün King the Philosopher’ in Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Shanghai Vol. XXXIII, p. 46.

3 Viz. of Yao who reigned at T‘ang, in Chili.

4 A famous author, more generally known by the name Liu Hsiang, 80-9 B. C., whose works we still possess.

1 A politician and scholar of the 3rd and 2nd cent. B. C., author of the ‘New Words’, the same as mentioned above p. 383 as envoy to the king of the southern Yüeh.

2 Cf. p. 139.

3 Another outlaw.

4 An author of the 2nd cent. B. C. who wrote the ‘Dew of the Spring and Autumn’ which is still extant.

1 A quotation from Analects, IV, 5 [Couvreur], where we read that the superior man always cleaves to benevolence.

2 Who maintain that human nature is partly good and partly bad.

3 The text has [] which looks like a name : the Record of Fêng Wên Mao. The fact, however, that a philosopher of the name of Fêng Wên Mao is unknown, and the symmetry of the context leads me to the conclusion that instead of [] we should read [] and translate, as I have done.

4 In prehistoric times China was divided into nine provinces, hence the term the Nine Provinces has become a synonym of China.

1 Cf. p. 381 Note 2.

2 The last sentences are repeated from p. 386.

1 Yen Hui and Min Tse Ch‘ien, two prominent disciples of Confucius.

2 The minister of Shun.

1 The discussions of the two wise men before Shun are to be found in the Shuking, Kao Yao mo.

2 Cf. Analects XVII, 4 [Couvreur].

3 Mêng I Tse was the chief of one of three powerful familiar in Lu.

4 A disciple of Confucius.

5 I. e. Mêng I Tse.

1 Analects II, 5 [Couvreur]. — The citations from the Analects are quoted from Legge’s translation, but here and there modified so as to suit the text, for Wang Ch‘ung often understands a passage quite differently from Legge and his authorities.

2 Analects II, 6 [Couvreur].

1 Analects III, 1 [Couvreur].

2 Analects III, 6 [Couvreur]. This sacrifice was a privilege of the sovereign.

3 So that he might have used him as his mouth-piece as in the case of Mêng I Tse.

4 He was not afraid of Mêng I Tse.

5 Analects IV, 5 [Couvreur].

6 Wang Ch‘ung thus interprets the passage, which gives no sense. I should say that he misunderstood Confucius, for every difficulty is removed, if we take the words to mean what Legge translates : ‘if it cannot be obtained’ viz. ‘if it is not possible to act in the aforesaid manner’ instead of ‘if they cannot be obtained’.

1 Analects V, 1 [Couvreur].

1 Confucius gave Nan Yung the daughter of his elder brother to wife.

2 Analects V, 1 [Couvreur].

3 Wang Ch‘ung’s objections are again far-fetched and groundless. The words of Confucius imply that Kung Yeh Ch‘ang’s character was so excellent and above suspicion, that Confucius world not doubt him, even if he were condemned by the world and treated like a criminal, and therefore he made him his son-in-law.

4 Analects V, 8 [Couvreur].

5 Analects XI, 11 [Couvreur].

1 Analects VI, 9 [Couvreur].

2 Analects II, 9 [Couvreur].

3 Analects VI, 5 [Couvreur].

4 Analects V, 9 [Couvreur].

1 The four classes into which the ten principal disciples of Confucius were divided according to their special abilities : virtue, eloquence, administrative talents, and literary acquirements. Tsai Wo belongs to the second class of the able speakers together with Tse Kung. Cf. Analects XI, 2 [Couvreur].

2 Analects VIII, 10 [Couvreur].

3 This is professedly the aim of the ‘Ch‘un-ch‘iu’ or ‘Spring and Autumn’ Record, the only classical work, of which Confucius claims the authorship.

4 Analects V, 9 [Couvreur].

1 Tsai Wo could no more be made responsible for his bodily weakness, than for his death.

2 Analects XIII, 15 [Couvreur] and XVIII, 10 [Couvreur].

3 A minister of the Ch‘u State.

1 Analects V, 18 [Couvreur]. The following words of Confucius are omitted in our Analects.

2 This battle took place in 632 B. C. It is described in the Tso-chuan Book V, 27 (Duke Hsi 27th year) [Couvreur, § 5].

3 Analects IV, 7 [Couvreur].

4 Duke Ai of Lu, 494-468 B. C.

5 Analects VI, 2 [Couvreur].

6 Analects VI, 8 [Couvreur].

7 Wang Ch‘ung understands by fate something material, not a decree. Cf. Chap. VII and VIII.

8 Leprosy. Cf. p. 165.

9 Fate is a pure substance pervading the body, which cannot excite a foul disease like leprosy.

1 The entire polemic is against the expression ‘short fate’ used by Confucius, who takes fate in the usual acceptation of decree, or appointment of heaven. Wang Ch‘ung from his materialistic point of view argues,_, that fate is always complete and pure, and that there can be no long or short one. The premature death of Yen Hui and the disease of Po Niu are not fate at all.

2 The head of the Chi family in Lu.

3 Analects XI, 6 [Couvreur].

4 Analects XII, 18 [Couvreur].

5 Analects VI, 26 [Couvreur].

1 A most disreputable woman, guilty of incest with her half-brother, Prince Chou of Sung. The commentators take great pains to whitewash Confucius, who called upon this unworthy princess. What induced her to invite the Sage, and him to accept the invitation, is not known. Various conjectures have been put forward.

2 Cf. p. 136.

3 Cf. p. 151.

1 Shuking, Yi-chi, Pt. II, Bk. IV, 1 (Legge Vol. III, Pt. I, p. 84).

2 Yao’s son.

3 Shuking loc. cit.

4 Analects IX, 8 [Couvreur].

5 On the Plan of the Yellow River vid. p.294 Note 1.

6 In the case of Confucius.

1 Cf. p. 138.

2 The time when the lucky omens become visible.

3 The steps to secure a wise government and perfect peace, which must have been successful, ere the phœnix and the Plan will come forward.

4 Wishing to behold those auspicious portents, Confucius ought first to have instituted an excellent administration, as minister of the reigning sovereign. He sees the result, but overlooks the causes.

5 The Han emperor whose reign lasted from 179-156 B. C.

6 In the Shi-chi.

7 Analects IX, 13 [Couvreur].

1 Analects III, 5 [Couvreur].

2 Analects XIII, 3 [Couvreur].

2 The disciple Kao Tse Kao.

3 A city in Shantung.

4 Analects XI, 24 [Couvreur].

5 Tse Kung.

6 We must translate here ‘receive’, and not ‘acquiesce’, as Legge does, relying on the commentators. ‘Acquiesce’ gives no sense here, as can be seen by comparing Hutchinson’s translation, China Review Vol. VII, p. 169. Moreover, ‘receive’ is in accordance with Wang Ch‘ung’s system. Throughout his work he speaks of ‘receiving the fate’. Hutchinson has felt, that ‘receive’ is the proper word here — vid. his note to p. 170 loc. cit. — but is overawed by Legge and the commentators. We must bear in mind that Wang Ch‘ung very frequently puts another construction on the words of the Sage than other commentators.

7 Analects XI, 18 [Couvreur].

1 Cf. p. 136.

2 Cf. above p. 405.

3 Analects XI, 8 [Couvreur].

4 These four friends were : Yen Yuan, Tse Kung, Tse Chang, and Tse Lu, all his disciples.

1 As a worthy, a degree of excellence next to sagehood, he would have assisted Confucius in his brilliant career.

2 In externals viz. the osseous structure and the physiognomy of an individual his fate becomes manifest. Cf. Chap. XXIV. But fate by no means corresponds to talents and virtue.

1 Quotation from the Li-ki, T’an Kung (Legge’s transl. Vol. I, p. 136).

2 Analects XI, 9 [Couvreur].

3 The father of Yen Yuan.

4 Analects XI, 7 [Couvreur].

5 Loc. cit.

1 Analects XV, 8 [Couvreur].

1 Analects XII, 7 [Couvreur].

2 Cf. p. 159.

3 A disciple of Confucius.

4 Analects XIII, 9 [Couvreur].

1 A disciple of Confucius in Wei, with whom he lodged. After Confucius’ return to Lu, he sent the messenger to make friendly inquiries.

2 Analects XIV, 26 [Couvreur].

3 This may have been the view of the old commentators at Wang Ch‘ung’s time. Chu Hai, on the contrary, holds that the reply of the messenger was admirable, and that the laconic utterance of Confucius contains a praise, not a reproach.

4 See p. 400 Note 1.

1 Cf. above p. 400.

2 A high officer in the service of the Chao family in the Chin State, who took possession of Chung-mao, a city in Honan, in the Chang-tê prefecture, for himself.

3 Analects XVII, 7 [Couvreur].

1 Cf. Huai Nan Tse XVI, 13 who adds that Mê Ti, who condemned music, would not enter into a city named ‘Morning Song’.

2 Analects VII, 15 [Couvreur].

3 Legge and some commentators take the words [] in a passive sense ‘How could I be hung up and not be eaten ? ‘i.e. ‘not be employed’.

1 A city in Shantung.

2 Kung Shan Fu Jao and Yang Huo combined were holding their liege, Prince Huan of Chi, imprisoned, and trying to arrogate the supreme power of the State of Lu.

3 Analects XVII, 5 [Couvreur].

4 The eastern Chou dynasty 770-255 owes its name to its capital Lo-yi, where it had removed from Hao-ching in the west (Shensi). The commencement of the eastern Chou, prior to the civil wars, was felicitous.

5 Analects XVII, 1 [Couvreur].

1 Mencius I, Pt. I, 1 [Legge][Couvreur]. For the quotations from Mencius I adopt Legge’s renderings, as far as possible.

2 This interview took place in 335 B. C. Liang was the capital of the Wei State, the modern K‘ai-fêng-fu.

3 Yiking Bk. I, I, 2.

4 Yiking Bk. I, V,1.

5 Yiking Bk. I, I, 1. Legge’s translation (Sacred Books of the east Vol. XVI), p. 57 and 67.

6 Shuking Pt. V, Bk. XXX, 6 [Legge] [Couvreur].

1 An officer of Ch‘i.

2 A chung is an ancient measure. As to its capacity opinions differ. 100 000 chung of rice was the customary allowance of a minister in a feudal State.

3 A disciple of Mencius, his full name being Ch‘ên Chin. See below.

4 Mencius II, Pt. II,10 [Legge][Couvreur].

5 See above p. 395.

6 The same as Ch‘ên Tse.

7 One yi was about 24 taels.

8 Double silver ‘worth twice as much as the ordinary’ (Legge).

9 A small principality in the south of Shantung.

1 Mencius II, Pt. II, 3 [Legge][Couvreur].

2 P‘êng Kêng was a disciple of Mencius.

3 Mencius III, Pt. II, 4 [Legge][Couvreur].

1 Mencius II, Pt. II, 8 [Legge][Couvreur].

2 A high officer of Ch’i.

3 Tse K‘uei, King of Yen, a silly man, had ceded his throne to his minister Tse Chih, hoping that the latter would decline the offer, but he unexpectedly accepted, and Tse K‘uei lost his throne. During the troubles caused in Yen by Tse K‘uei’s son seeking to recover the kingdom, the Ch‘i State made an unsuccessful attempt to conquer Yen. Shên T‘ung had asked Mencius’ advice about an invasion of Yen.

4 A man entrusted by Heaven with the execution of its designs.

5 The one Yen is Ch‘i, which was not better than Yen, and therefore not fit to punish Yen as Heaven’s delegate.

1 Mencius II, Pt. I, 2 [Legge][Couvreur].

2 A disciple of Mencius.

3 Mencius II, Pt. II, 12 [Legge][Couvreur].

4 The King of Ch‘i wished Mencius to call on him at court, informing him, that he intended waiting upon Mencius himself, but had got a cold, and could not go out. Mencius knew this to be a pretence, and therefore declined to go to court on the pretence that he was unwell likewise. Cf. Mencius II, Pt. II, 2 [Legge][Couvreur]. The king and the philosopher were both too jealous of their dignity to get along well.

1 A small place in Ch‘i, where Mencius halted, expecting to be called back.

2 An officer of Ch‘i, with whom Mencius stayed, while the king was waiting for him, at the former occasion.

3 A disciple of Mencius.

4 Mencius I, Pt. II, 16 [Legge][Couvreur].

5 Mencius II, Pt. II, 13 [Legge][Couvreur].

6 A follower of Mencius.

1 Wang Ch‘ung omits Ti Chih, who followed his father Ti K‘u. Owing to his dissolute life, he was dethroned, and his brother Yao was elected in his place.

2 Those are rather round numbers. According to the common chronology Yü reigned from 2205-2197, T‘ang, the founder of the Shang dynasty from 1766-1753, and the Chou dynasty commenced in 1122. Wu Wang’s reign lasted from 1122-1115, Ch‘êng Wang’s from 1115-1078. All these rulers are regarded by the Chinese as true emperors. The interval between Yü and T‘ang is about 400 years, that between T‘ang and Wên Wang about 600 years. It is difficult to understand why Wang Ch‘ung in both cases speaks of a thousand years. The remark of Mencius that every five hundred years a true sovereign arises, comes much nearer the truth.

3 About 800 years in fact after the usual chronology. The Bamboo Annals reduce this space to about 700 years.

1 Mencius III, Pt. II, 4 [Legge][Couvreur].

1 A quotation from Analects V, 4 [Couvreur], where Confucius condemns such smartness of speech. — Wang Ch‘ung is much smarter here than Mencius. The arguments of Mencius are quite right, and Wang Ch‘ung only takes exception at the example adduced by him, which indeed is not very lucky.

2 Mencius III, Pt. II, 10 [Legge][Couvreur].

3 A grandee of the State of Ch‘i.

4 A recluse.

5 A poor place in modern Chi-nan-fu (Shantung).

1 The exemplar of purity cf. p. 168 Note 2 and below p. 435.

2 Cf. p. 139.

3 See above p. 419 Note 2.

1 This seems not to have been the idea of Mencius. The tertium comparationis is not the purity of the earth-worm, but its independence and self-sufficiency. Having its earth to eat and some muddy water to drink, it has no further needs, as man has, who is never quite independent of others. Unless he break off all intercourse with his fellow-creatures, he cannot avoid all pollution. Thus the commentators and Legge understand the passage. Wang Ch‘ung’s interpretation is forced.