Original: English

Mr. “Namatabi” from Tehran, was arrested during the February (Ashura) 2010 election protests after being beaten badly. He did not go straight to prison; instead he was taken to a hospital. He remained there for seven days, and had his broken nose set. He was taken to Section 204 (with mostly Kurds who had been arrested for Students’ Day), whereas most other Ashura protestors had been taken to Section 7. After just a few hours he was moved to Section 204. The cell to which he was moved to, was meant to be a solitary cell, but he was squeezed in with five people (with one toilet and sink) and too few sleeping areas.

He was interrogated three times; the first time was only seven days into his sentence so he had been getting nervous. The first time he was interrogated was from 9am to 3pm. The person asked him very general questions, and did not seem to know who he was. The interrogator was kind, according to Mr. “Namatabi”.

The second time the interrogator wanted him to admit that he was involved in the protests, but they had no photos of him. It became clear they had no evidence, so he maintained that he was not involved.

The third time they brought in a photo of someone else that they said was him, but it was a fake photo, so he disputed it.

When they read his charges to him in court (72 days into prison), he denied being involved in the protests. He said he was just walking by and was a simple worker. He did not have a lawyer at that time, because authorities and even lawyers of some of his friends recommended that he not get a lawyer: “Having a lawyer will just make things more difficult for you.” Unfortunately, according to Mr. “Namatabi”, this was “unfortunately true” for others.

He feels that he was convicted and sentenced because there was a sense that he had been in prison for 72 days and so should be punished or have something hanging over his head, in the minds of authorities. The judge in his case read a statement from the interrogator when he issued his sentencing.

He left Iran in July-August 2010. It was one month after he received his first verdict, and had demanded an appeal.

In September 2010 he received a call from his mother who said that his appeal was rejected and that he received a two-year prison sentence and lashes. Authorities called his parents and they told them he was away studying in Europe, where he decided to stay.

Jaleh Razmi (Tabrizi)

Azerbaijani rights activist

Ms. Ramzi is the ethnic minorities’ representative and a co-founder of Sudwind. She is a human rights activist from the Azerbaijani minority and from the Ahl-E-Haq (Yarsan) religion.

President Rouhani made a lot of pledges to the Azerbaijanis in the election, and as a result they voted for him en masse. For example, he promised to open Azerbaijani cultural rights center, and told them: “You will no longer need to fill Lake Oroumiyeh with your tears; I will fill it with water!”

However, since then the situation has gotten worse. He appointed Mr. Ali Younessi as Governor of the Province, and he has been bad for the people. The prisons are still full, and “nothing has changed.”

“The Azerbaijanis are a peaceful people; they “do not use violence...”

The Yarsan is a religion, just like Baha’is and Dervishes. Until recently, no one spoke about them, and they themselves did not raise their issue. But given the recent self-immolations, she herself, even “even as a secular person,” has decided to speak about it.

There are 4 million Yarsan in Iran. Many have been forced to convert to Islam, and indeed, some have. Recently, when one Yarsan man was made to shave his mustache in jail three people Hamedan and Kermanshah self-immolated; one in front of Parliament who died.

Mr. Mehdi Ghasemzadi was also recently executed.

Regarding the general situation of human rights defenders in Iran, the situation is very difficult. She, for instance, cannot go back to Iran and her family faces pressure.

The Azerbaijanis are facing cultural repression; they cannot use their own language, their Turkish names, and their street names are changed in Tabriz and elsewhere.

Ms. Sabri has come to look at the question of minorities through the lens of a psychologist, especially the issue of mother tongues.

Iran, for academics of her school of thought, is like “a big prison for mother tongues.”

The Azerbaijanis are not a violent group; they never have been. But the Government also suppresses their voices, as with other minorities, and censors much of what they have to say in the news.

She believes that half of the current Azerbaijani political prisoners are detained for protesting the drying up of Lake Oroumiyeh. Another large portion are a group of supporters of the Tractor football team, and were arrested after a game this summer. Usually during the game there are insults chanted between both sides, with the Azerbaijanis being treated as separatists and called “donkeys.” Azerbaijanis in turn chant: “mother tongue is a right for everybody.”

In one particular case, an Azerbaijani guitar player was sent to prison for six months. For the case of Saeed Matinpour, who has a heart ailment in prison, she organized a campaign for him along with Amnesty International; within hours they had over 2,000 signatures.

A last group arrest she would like to mention is when, on the one-year anniversary celebrations of partial self-rule, five people were arrested. One was beaten so badly that his ribs were broken and he was sent to the hospital.

Khabat Ghorbani

Kurdish rights activist / journalist

Both of his parents are Kurdish. He was born in a village called Karagol. On 25 January 1983, Iranian Revolutionary Guards and Basijis attacked his village and killed 18 people, from ages 12 to 95-years-old. Soon after, 68 people were killed in another village.

His organization has produced a documentary on this issue; there are also still many witnesses alive who can confirm this case.

Between the Revolution and 1988, altogether around hundreds of people were killed in Kurdish villages in such campaigns. Mostly they were not members of political parties; “their only crime was being Kurdish.”

In his own case: Soon after the Revolution he saw the fighting begin between the Kurds and the Islamic forces. He was in Mahabad, and there were clashes every day. Iranian forces were bombarding Kurdish cities from 1979 to 1983.

In the summer of 1982, there had been a two-day conflict between the Government and Kurds in Mahabad. One of bombs fell into one of his neighbors’ homes, and their son was injured. After he went by to help, he was also injured. His leg is still not fully functional. He was in the hospital for 21 days. He was first in a room with six people in the hospital; four of them died. After ten days, he was removed to another room with three people; two of them died. In the 21 days he was hospitalized, at least 70% of those who came through were killed.

He was also discriminated against at University. He had been accepted, but then he received a letter saying he was “not suitable according to the Islamic Government” to study.

After 1988, there was a “Cultural Revolution” in Iran and he was able to go to school for Applied Physics. However, he was a part of a protest and was eventually expelled from school. He fled to Iraq and later came to Europe.

Mr. “Hamed” was released from Raja’i Shahr Prison many years ago. There are prisoners there who require urgent medical care, including Mr. Afhsin Barimani, Mr. Siamak Mehr, and Mr Saeed Abedini. Of course Mr. Mansourat Pour and Mr. Osanloo died while prison.

There are some cases, like that of Mr. Mehr Ronavi at Raja’i Shahr, who cannot be treated in prison, so they will die if they are not released. He also spent time at Evin Prison however, and would like to point out that conditions there are also bad for people who require medical attention, as are other prisons.

All of the wardens with whom he has had contact since he was in prison believe that the political prisoners are “against Islam” and so deserve to die by extension. “To them, each prisoner who dies is less of a strain on the security system.”

Aide to the Former Presidential Campaign of Mir Hossein Moussavi

Both Mr. Moussavi and Mr. Karroubi suffer from different health problems, in large part due to the conditions of their detention. They do not have proper light or ventilation, or nutrition.

They do not often speak of the health issues in public, in order not to affect the “morale of the Iranian people.”

Ms. Rahnavard is also having heart palpitations. All are “victims of aggression,” and are therefore suffering. Over the past 20 days, for example (December 2013), Moussavi, Karroubi, and Rahnavard have been threatened with execution. They have a sense that authorities are probing general opinion in Iran in order to take “some steps,” but they are not sure what those steps are.

Authorities have tried to justify their detention by making it look like a provisional disciplinary detention.

They are also being constantly monitored. The monitoring of people’s lives, overall, is a big problem in Iran; it is an invasion of privacy. His own house was bugged (including his bathroom and bedroom) for two weeks.

The environment is another big problem in Iran. People are dying every day from negative environmental effects.

As someone who was involved in the original drafting of the Civil Rights Charter under President Khatami, he could tell you that the current draft has nothing to do with the original version; in a way, “it’s like a denunciation of our work.”

He does believe that the current international dialogue is positive, if not at least because it highlights and brings to the fore the “differences between the Judiciary and the Government.”

High-Ranking Official of the National Front

He would like to make three points: he has been in prison for 15 years during different period in the history of the Islamic Republic. In Iran, the “Judicial authorities and the Parliament do not follow the same system as the Government. “So sometimes in order to assert authority or to prove a point, they crack down on activists “in spite of the intentions of the Government. This happened under former President Khatami as well.

Some of the members of his movement, like Massoud Pedram, Keyvan Samimi, Ahmad Aeydabadi, and Emad Bahadabar are still in prison.

Ms. Narges Mohammadi, his wife, asks Dr. Shaheed to ensure that all of the civil associations are free to operate in Iran. People like herself and Ms. Nasrin Sotoudeh are released, but once they are out, there is no structure in which for them to work and live, and they find themselves in a “bigger prison.”

The situation of prisons in Iran “is horrendous.” Especially in Vakilabad, where there is an infamous “Section of Death,” where up to 500 people can be on death row at one time.

With the rise of President Rouhani, the “struggle between the Judiciary and the Government is very visible,” especially when one looks at the increase in executions.

On 1 September 2013, there was a “massacre” at Camp Liberty involving cooperation between Iraq and Iran, specifically the Quds Forces. He believes that the reason for this attack is the same for the increase in executions; “internal fighting between Government branches.”

With regard to the attack at Ashraf / Liberty, there are still seven “hostages” being held by the Government. The families of people at Ashraf / Liberty are harassed; for example, his own father, who was an Ayatollah, died 10 years ago, and after that the Government harassed their mother, because he and her sister living abroad have been affiliated with the MEK.

Afshin Karamian Nasab was arrested in 19 November 2009 by the security forces. The two officers reported to be from the intelligence office of Kermanshah and stated to have an arrest and search warrant and showed it to him for 3 seconds and confiscated his books and statements. Mr. Karamian Nasab was reportedly blindfolded and transferred to the intelligence office of Kermanshah, where he spent 4 days in solitary confinement and interrogated 3 times that sometime would last for 5 hours and when upon court orders he was transferred to the Evin Prison, he reportedly spent 52 days in solitary confinement at ward 209 and interrogated 5 times including interrogation at night until the morning.

Mr. Karamian Nasab stated that during the interrogations he was seating on a chair with a blindfold while the interrogator would stand behind him and ask questions and was allegedly slapped and punched in the face by the interrogators and be kicked in the stomach. On the second day, he was reportedly taken to branch 2 of the Revolutionary Court of Kermanshah and was charged with “inciting the students to violent actions to oppose and overthrow the Islamic Republic of Iran State,” “publication and distribution of anti-state and religion statements to weaken Islam,” “cooperation with anti-Islamic Revolution groups,” and “disturbing security and public order.” Mr. Karamian Nasab stated that he did not have access to legal counsel when the judge was being charged, where the judge allegedly threatened his life by stating that people who have been in his situation were executed while Mr. Karamian Nasab maintained that he was a student activist that was critical of the situation of human rights. Mr. Karamian Nasab stated that he was threatened him with rape and arrest of family members. When the interrogators reportedly found out the he is Yarsan, they would allegedly state that he is unclean and insulted him. He was reportedly released on a $30,000 bail and while he was in Kermanshah, Branch 28 of the Revolutionary Court of Tehran issued its court ruling without his presence and sent a copy of it to his home address that stated he is a fugitive.

Mr. Karamian Nasab stated that he was sentenced to 10 years of suspended prison sentence, which was allegedly based on the case files discussed at the court and the confessions that were obtained under torture. When the court ruling was reportedly received by Mr. Karamian Nasab, the 20 days’ time for appeal was passed. He continued his activities until he was reportedly summoned to branch 16 of Tehran revolutionary court on 21 January 2013 and faced two new charges “acting against national security” and “propagation against the state.” Mr. Karamian Nasab maintained that he left the country before the court session.

Kaveh Taheri, activist and blogger, reported that he was arrested on 23 September 2012 and take to ministry of intelligence Number 100 detention center. At the detention center he was reportedly beat on his feet and suspended from the celling by a rope attached to his handcuffs. On 15 November 2012, he was reportedly taken to the Adel Abad prison in Shiraz, where his father was summoned the next day to if Kaveh Taheri is released, he would publicize his son’s case. 3 December 2012 he was taken to Number 100 detention center and allegedly forced to confess is interview recorded for television. Taheri was convicted in revolutionary court for acting against national security and insulting Iran’s leader. After appeals he received a 2 years prison sentences and 3 years in exile at Larestan. He was also tried in public court for “blasphemy” and “publishing false information” and sentenced to 40 lashes and a fine.

Masoud Lavasani was reportedly arrested on 26 September 2009 by the security forces with an arrest warrant and was taken to the investigatory branch of the Revolutionary Court of Tehran. There his temporary detention order was issued without allegedly allowing him to post bail. He was officially charged with “propagation against the state” for the articles he had written about the Green Movement. The officers reportedly took his wedding album, films, novels, and fiction books, which have not been returned. According to Mr. Lavasani the authorities denied his request to have access to legal counsel and dismissed his appeals to their unlawful conduct, such as allegedly blindfolding him.

Mr. Lavasani was reportedly taken to ward 2-alef of the Evin Prison, where the interrogator allegedly used electric shocker and physically beat him during the interrogation that he would sit facing the wall; Mr. Lavasani maintained that later he had to undergo two surgeries due to the neck injury that was caused by these beatings. The interrogator would reportedly ask Mr. Lavasani about the videos that he uploaded on YouTube from the post-2009 protests, and the content of his emails, and asked him to confess in front of a camera. Mr. Lavasani stated that one of the interrogation sessions took place at 3:00am. He reportedly spent two years in prison. The court reportedly refused to accept the lawyer chosen by Mr. Lavasani and he was only able to know this on the court date.

In January 2012 Branch 26 of the Revolutioanry Cour of Tehran reportedly charged him with “acting against national security,” “insulting the leader,” “propagation against the State,” and “insulting the president.” Mr. Lavasani was sentenced to 8.5 years in prison and banned from journalism for life, which was then reduced to 6 years in prison and 10 years ban from journalism at the appeal court. In July 2012, he was released on $267,000 bail. Mr. Lavasani stated that the authorities did not provide him with a copy of his final sentence and appeal verdict in writing. On the contrary he was verbally informed and showed the sentence after Mr. Lavasani left the country, his interrogator allegedly threatened his life.

An informed source, Mr. or Mrs. “Hassanpour,” reported that in 2013, s/he was summoned over the phone by the security officers to the local intelligence office. S/he was reportedly blindfolded and taken to search his/her house and parents’ house with warrant. The security officers reportedly confiscated religious photos, books, and his/her computer. The interviewee reportedly spent the 17 days in solitary confinement and spent 7 days at the local intelligence office. The second day the judge officially charged him/her without providing evidence with “propagation against the state,” “membership in association with illegal groups that disrupt security,” and “cooperation with other state enemies.”

The interviewee reported that s/he did not have access to legal counsel. The interviewee maintained that s/he was interrogated 6 times, which would start after 16:00 and last between 2 to 4 hours. The interviewee was reportedly asked to wear a blindfold and face the wall while the interrogator was behind him/her and would slapped behind on the back and threatened with physical punishment. The cell’s light was reportedly constantly on and he/she could hear the sound of other detainees being allegedly tortured, and insults made against the interviewee, his/her family, and beliefs. The interviewee was reportedly detained for 7.5 months, was released with $30,000 bail and has not yet gone on trial. The interviewee reported that the Baha’is that were arrested a few months before him/her were physically beaten and sexually harassed by the authorities.

Mr./Mrs. “Nasrallah”

Student activist

A student activist, Mr. or Mrs. “Nasrallah,” reported that s/he was arrested by the security officers in 2010. When the interviewee asked for arrest warrant, the officer allegedly showed his walkie-talkie and stated that this is his warrant. The interviewee was reportedly blindfolded in the car and was detained at the ministry of intelligence of Mashhad for seven day, where the interrogation began on the second day and last between 3-4 hours. S/he reported that the interrogators would stand behind him/her. S/he was physically beaten by the interrogators; where they would allegedly hit his/her head on the desk.

The authorities reportedly denied him/her to use the restroom until he/she signed the documents and when on the fourth day, the s/he was taken to the Revolutionary Court of Mashhad, the judge asked him/her to sign the documents and refusing the his/her request to read the documents by stating he pulled that s/he should do so without reading them like the previous night otherwise situation will remain the same. The interviewee reportedly signed the documents that s/he later on realized were related to his/her charges, “Propagation against the state,” Insulting the supreme the leader,” “acting against national security,” and “keeping vulgar and unknown information.”

The interviewee was reportedly released on the 7th day. In 2010, the Revolutionary Court of Mashhad reportedly sentenced the interviewee to 10 months in prison, 100 lashes, and $70. The interviewee maintained that at the appeal court was informed by judge that s/he does not have the right to legal counsel, however, his/her friend who was a lawyer was able to submit a defense bill and the lashes were lifted. In 2011, police officers, who stated to have a warrant, arrested the interviewee and transferred him/her to the Vakil Abad prison, where s/he was allegedly raped by other cell mates. He/she allegedly also witnessed mock executions, executions, and lash punishment. The interviewee maintained that the Vakil Abad prison has the capacity for 3800-4100 inmates whereas in 2011, 13,900 prisoners were detained.

A Baha’i father, Mr. “Aslan,” described to the Special Rapporteur how his family repeatedly experienced discrimination related to their economic and social rights. He had been working as a carpenter for several years in a shop. In 2001 he started his own shop and applied for the appropriate license at the semi-governmental carpenter’s guild. Licenses, he said, were typically granted within six months. The guild initially presented seemingly neutral reasons for not granting him a license, such as that fact that his shop was “too small.” But when he would get a bigger workspace they would offer a different reason.

After three years of back-and-forth guild staff allegedly told him that they actually were not approving his license because he was a Baha’i, a fact he had indicated on his initial application. He was forced to work without a license until 2009, when the mayor’s office finally closed his shop, causing him to lose his capital and tools. Also in 2009 his daughter wanted to enroll in a specialized public high school that offered classes in tourism, a subject she was interested in. Upon application the father asked the school’s principal if his daughter’s faith was an issue. A few days later the principal called the father and said that she had contacted the Ministry of Education and it instructed her not to grant admission to his Baha’i daughter.

Mehdi Noorzar

Political activist / lawyer

Green Movement activist Mehdi Noorzar, a lawyer formally employed in a state agency, told the Special Rapporteur that authorities arrested him on 9 August 2011 when he responded to a summons to Evin Prison. He reported being held in solitary confinement for three months and subjected to various forms of torture including: punching, kicking, baton beatings, whipping, blindfolding, and a mock execution. He said that his interrogators were trying to make him confess to connections with monarchist groups or the MEK, both of which he purportedly told interrogators he opposed. He was formally charged 20 days after the start of his detention on charges of acting against national security, insulting the supreme leader, insulting the president, blasphemy, and insulting clerics. At the trial the judge advised him not to bring his lawyer into the courtroom in order to receive a lighter sentence. Yet, the trial purportedly only lasted ten minutes, with the judge taking a very hostile tone, and Noorzar was sentenced to three years in prison. An appeals court reduced the sentence to one year in prison, a one-year suspended sentence, and 74 lashes. On 7 August 2012 his one-year sentence came to an end, but as his release fell on a weekend, he was kept in prison for three more days until the flogger was at work to administer the lashes.