.3Non-participial RCs
Non-participial strategies for forming relative clauses are a largely neglected aspect of the syntax of Turkic languages, due to the fascination exerted by their participial strategies on linguists accustomed to finite strategies typical of European languages. They certainly deserve more attention, especially when they are shared by non-Turkic languages in contact with Turkic ones, and when they are of such a rare type as head-internal RCs. But before turning to the description of head-intermal RCs, let’s first consider another non participial strategy, namely the correlative one, which is found mostly with conditional verb forms.
Non participial relative clauses are almost never mentioned in grammars, including those published in Azerbaijan. This is why examples had to be collected in a corpus of published texts, and focus on those that were most easily identifiable, i.e. ones containing the interrogative word hansı ‘which’.
..1.Headless non-participial RCs
Azerbaijani has sentence-initial headless relative clauses in which an interrogative pronoun correlates with a resumptive element in the main clause, as illustrated in (44).
(44)
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Azerbaidjani
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kim
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düşmən
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maşın-ı-nı
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saxla-yır-mış,
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who
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enemy
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car-pos3-acc
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stop-prs-pstevid
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o
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maşın
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ol-urmuş
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həmin
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yaraqlı-nın
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dist
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car
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be-prs-pstevid
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foc.prox
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fighter-gen
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‘(He) who would stop an enemy’s car, would keep this car.’
(S. Əhmədli ömür Urası, 2000)
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Such correlative clauses are translatable into Tati (cf. [45]). However, this type of relative clause appears to be rare.
(45)
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Apsheron Tati
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ki
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moşin
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düşmən-ə
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m-poyən-d-ü,
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həmin
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moşin
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birebü
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əz-u.
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who
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car
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enemy-acc
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evt-stop-pst-3
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foc.prox
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car
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be-perf.3
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abl-dist
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= (44)
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..2.Head-internal non-participial RCs
In a sub-type of non-participial RCs, the interrogative word functions as a specifier (‘which’) of the head-noun, which appears inside the RC. This strategy is available for the relativization of any syntactic function, which is reflected on the embedded head noun by a case suffix. This sub-type is rather common, especially in oral informal speech. Such constructions are stigmatized by purists as “ərməni budaq cümləsi”, that is “Armenian subordinate clauses”, and as such not mentioned in reference grammars and schoolbooks, but examples are easily elicited and can also be found in published texts by classic authors.
Relativising Goals, Recipients and Possessors, which is rather rare with the participial strategy, is very straightforward if one employs a non-participial strategy which flags the relativised function on the head itself, very much in the same way as in European-type RCs using a relative pronoun flagged by cases or adpositions. Thus, in cases in which relativising the possessor or an adjunct function would render the sentence akward, the head-internal strategy may be used for more clarity, though usually with conditional modality. The internal head(s) is/are marked for the required cases. A resumptive pronoun (or a generic noun) in the matrix clause establishes a correlation (cf. [46]–[48]).
(46)
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hansı
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iş-ə
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əl
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at-ır-am,
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o-nu
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qadağan
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elə-yir.
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which
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work-dat
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hand
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throw-prs-1
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dist-acc
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forbidden
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do-prs
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‘Whatever work I take on, he forbids it.’ (Azərbaycan nağılları, Pinəçi ilə şah Abbas)
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(47)
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hansı
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çox-du,
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o-ndan
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siz
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yapış-ın
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iki-əl-li.
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which
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much-cop
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dist-abl
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2pl
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catch-imp.pl
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two-hand-with
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‘Take the one which is heavier with both hands.’ (SN, Daş üzük)’
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(48)
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ayağ-ın-ı
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hansı
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ilan
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gəl-di
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qoy
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o-nun
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üst-ü-nə.
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foot-pos2-acc
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which
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snake
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come
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put.imp
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3-gen
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on-pos3-dat
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‘Put your foot on the (first) snake which will come.’ (SN, Daş üzük)
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In (49) and (50), the head-internal construction could not be matched by an equivalent participial construction, which means that the finite construction fills a functional gap that emerges only at the lower end of the accessibility scale:
(49)
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hansı
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qız-ın
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ayağ-ı-na
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ol-sa
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gərək
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which
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girl-gen
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foot-pos3-dat
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be-hyp.3
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debptcl
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həmin
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gözəl-i
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al-a-m.
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foc.prox
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beauty-acc
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take-opt-1
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‘I have to marry the girl whose foot it goes to.’ (SN, Ibrahim )
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(50)
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hansı
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padşah-la
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dava
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elə-sə-m,
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o-nun
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torpağ-ı-nı
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which
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king-with
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war
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do-hyp-1
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dist-gen
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earth-pos3-acc
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torba
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ilə
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daşı-mağ-a
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güc-üm
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çat-ar
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bag
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with
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carry-inf-dat
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strength-pos1
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reach-evt.3
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‘Whichever king I make war with, I have the power to carry his earth away in a bag.’ (Azərbaycan nağılları, Keçəl)
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If the internal head has subject (cf. [51]) or object (cf. [52]) function in the matrix clause, it is usually gapped, and this also happens with other functions in ‘loose’ spoken style (cf. [53] and [54]) or in the language used in theater plays or opera libretti (cf. [55] and [56]):
(51)
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kağız-ı
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hansı
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div-ə
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göstər-sə-n,
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Ø
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sən-i
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apar-acaq
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letter-acc
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which
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demon-dat
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show-hyp-2
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(nom)
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2-acc
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carry-fut.3
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‘The first devil you will show the letter to, will carry you.’ (fn)
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(52)
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Hansı
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at
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xoş-u-na
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gəl-ir,
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öz-ün
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which
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horse
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pleasure-pos3-dat
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come-prs3
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refl-2
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Ø
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seç
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Ø
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min
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get!
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(acc)
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choose.imp
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(dat)
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mount.imp
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go.imp
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‘Which horse you like (lit. “pleases you”), (which) is good, choose (it), mount (on it), and go!’ (fn)
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(53)
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Hansı
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ölkə-yə
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istə-yir-sən,
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Ø
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ged-ə-k.
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which
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country-dat
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want-prs-2
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(dat)
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go-opt-1pl
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‘Let’s go to whichever country you wish.’ (fn)
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(54)
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Biz-im
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hansı-mız-ın
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əl-i-nə
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pul
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düş-sə-ydi
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1pl-gen
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which-1pl-gen
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hand-pos3-dat
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money
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fall-hyp-pst
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bazar-dan
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Ø
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ulduz
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al-ar-dı.
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market-abl
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(com)
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star
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take-evt-pst
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‘Any of us could buy stars (= distinctions) from the bazar with whatever money might land in his hand.’ (M. Ibrahimbəyov, Püstə Ağacı, contemporary)
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(55)
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hansı
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bəy-ın
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qız-ı-nı
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istə-sə-n
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ged-im
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Ø
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which
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lord-gen
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girl-pos3-acc
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want-hyp-2
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go-imp1
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(acc)
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sən-ə
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al-ım.
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2-dat
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take-imp1
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‘Which lord’s daughter you ever may wish, I’ll go and fetch her for you.’
(Ü. Hacıbəyov, Arşın Mal Alan, 1913)
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(56)
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kənd-lər-in
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hansı-nda
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əylən-ibdir,
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Ø
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gəl-ər
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çıx-ar.
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village-pl-gen
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which-loc
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have_fun-perf
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(abl)
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come-evt.3
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come_out-evt.3
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‘Whichever village he may be [hiding] enjoying a good time, he will reappear and come out of it.’ (M. F. Axundov, Sərgüzəşti mərdi xəsis or Hacı Qara, 1852)
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The other case in which the use of a finite strategy instead of a participial one is common is when it is strongly motivated by the necessity to express non-factual modality in the RC. Usually the Azerbaijani subordinate verb-form is a conditional form (‘hyp’ in [57]-[60]):
(57)
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hansı
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söz
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lazım-ıydı-sa,
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o
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söz-ü
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də
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de-di.
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which
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word
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necessary-coppst.3-hyp
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dist
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word-acc
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foc
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say-pst.3
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‘He would pronounce the necessary words.’ (Elçin, Toyuğun diri qalması, 1987)
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(58)
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hansı-nız
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mən-im
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əmr-im-dən
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çıx-sa,
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o-nu
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öldür-əcəy-əm.
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which-pos-2pl
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1-gen
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order-pos1-abl
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go_out-hyp
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dist-acc
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kill-fut-1
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‘Whoever of you goes against my order, I’ll kill him.’ (SN, Ayğır Həsən)
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(59)
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kim
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hansı
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oğlan-ı
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istə-yir-sə,
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alma-nı
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o-na
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at-sın.
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who
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which
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boy-acc
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want-prs-hyp
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apple-acc
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dist-dat
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throw-opt
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‘Which boy she wishes, let her throw the apple to him.’ (fn)
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(60)
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sən-ə
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hansı
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gözəl-i
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de-sə-n
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Ø
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al-ar-am.
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2-dat
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which
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beauty-acc
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say-hyp-2
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(acc)
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take-evt-1
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‘I shall take for you whichever beautiful (girl) you say.’ (fn)
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The fact that such conditional relative clauses imply topicalisation is a well-known phenomenon across languages;13 in Azerbaijani, the focus of the hypothesis can additionally be moved away from the verb onto one of his arguments by cliticising to it a conditional copula (cf. [61]).
(61)
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hansı
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xatirə-lər-i-sə
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yad-ı-na
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which
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memory-pl-cop3-hyp
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mind-pos3-dat
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sal-ıb
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baş-ı-nı
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yellə-di.
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let-perf
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head-pos3-acc
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shake-pst
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‘He shaked his head, remembering some memories.’ (Anar, Dantenin Yubileyi, 1988)
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..4.Multiple-head RCs in Azerbaijani
A case in which the use of the finite, non-participial strategy employing interrogative pronouns appears to be obligatory in the written norm is when two syntactic positions are relativized in the same RC. In one instance (cf. [62]), the interrogative word hansı ‘which’ was found to bear on (logically) two internal heads:
(62)
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hansı
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uşağ-ın
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baş-ı
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üst-ü-nə
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bu
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üç
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pəri
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gəl-sə-ydi,
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which
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child-gen
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head-pos3
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on-pos3-dat
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this
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three
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fairy
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come-hyp-pst
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bir-i
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öp-ər-di
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o-nu,
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bir-i
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bəxşeyiş
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ver-ər-di
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Ø
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one-pos3
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kiss-evt-pst
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dist-acc
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one-pos3
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present
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give-evt-pst
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(dat)
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‘[Of] these three fairies who would come upon the head of the (lit. which) child, one would give him a kiss, one would give him a present.’ (Ə. Cəfərzadə, Üç öpüş, 1982)
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However, usually hansı is repeated (cf. [63] and [64]), or used jointly with an interrogative pronoun, as in (65) and (66).
(63)
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Hansı
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ev-ə
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hansı
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döyüşçü
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birinci
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gir-di,
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həmin
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ev
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which
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house-dat
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which
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wrestler
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first
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enter-pst
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foc.prox
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house
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bütün
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əşya-sı
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ilə
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ol-ur-muş
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o-nun.
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all
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furniture-pos3
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with
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be-evt-pst.evid
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dist-gen
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‘Which house which wrestler first entered, all the furniture of this house would be his.’ (Sabir Əhmədli, Omür urası, 2000)
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(64)
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hər
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bir
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kəs
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hansı
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məzhəb-dən
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hansı
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every
|
one
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person
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which
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sect-abl
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which
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məzhəb-ə
|
istə-sə
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keç-ə
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bil-sin.
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sect-dat
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want-hyp
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pass-dat
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can-opt
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‘Let everyone have the possibility to abide by the faith he wishes.’ (fn)
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(65)
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kim-i
|
hansı
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nömrə-ni
|
ver-ir
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həmin
|
palto-nu
|
da
|
al-ır.
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who-pos3
|
which
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number-acc
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give-prs
|
this_very
|
coat-acc
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foc
|
take-prs
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‘which number one gives gets the [corresponding] coat’ (Anar, Asqılıqda işləyən qadının söhbəti, 1988)
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(66)
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harada
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hansı
|
ticarət
|
müəssəs-i-ndə
|
qara
|
parça
|
var-sa,
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where
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which
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business
|
plant-pos3-loc
|
black
|
fabric
|
exist-hyp
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yığış-ıl-sın.
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requisition-pass-opt
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‘Whereever, in whichever business black fabric will be available, let it be requisitioned.’ (Sabir Əhmədli, Qara bayraqlar, 2003)
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