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New strategies for relative clauses in Azerbaijani and Apsheron Tati1


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.3Non-participial RCs


Non-participial strategies for forming relative clauses are a largely neglected aspect of the syntax of Turkic languages, due to the fascination exerted by their participial strategies on linguists accustomed to finite strategies typical of European languages. They certainly deserve more attention, especially when they are shared by non-Turkic languages in contact with Turkic ones, and when they are of such a rare type as head-internal RCs. But before turning to the description of head-intermal RCs, let’s first consider another non participial strategy, namely the correlative one, which is found mostly with conditional verb forms.

..1Non-participial strategies in Azerbaijani


Non participial relative clauses are almost never mentioned in grammars, including those published in Azerbaijan. This is why examples had to be collected in a corpus of published texts, and focus on those that were most easily identifiable, i.e. ones containing the interrogative word hansı ‘which’.

..1.Headless non-participial RCs

Azerbaijani has sentence-initial headless relative clauses in which an interrogative pronoun correlates with a resumptive element in the main clause, as illustrated in (44).


(44)

Azerbaidjani




kim

düşmən

maşın-ı-nı

saxla-yır-mış,




who

enemy

car-pos3-acc

stop-prs-pstevid



















o

maşın

ol-urmuş

həmin

yaraqlı-nın




dist

car

be-prs-pstevid

foc.prox

fighter-gen






















‘(He) who would stop an enemy’s car, would keep this car.’

(S. Əhmədli ömür Urası, 2000)



Such correlative clauses are translatable into Tati (cf. [45]). However, this type of relative clause appears to be rare.


(45)

Apsheron Tati




ki

moşin

düşmən-ə

m-poyən-d-ü,

həmin

moşin

birebü

əz-u.




who

car

enemy-acc

evt-stop-pst-3

foc.prox

car

be-perf.3

abl-dist




= (44)


..2.Head-internal non-participial RCs

In a sub-type of non-participial RCs, the interrogative word functions as a specifier (‘which’) of the head-noun, which appears inside the RC. This strategy is available for the relativization of any syntactic function, which is reflected on the embedded head noun by a case suffix. This sub-type is rather common, especially in oral informal speech. Such constructions are stigmatized by purists as “ərməni budaq cümləsi”, that is “Armenian subordinate clauses”, and as such not mentioned in reference grammars and schoolbooks, but examples are easily elicited and can also be found in published texts by classic authors.
Relativising Goals, Recipients and Possessors, which is rather rare with the participial strategy, is very straightforward if one employs a non-participial strategy which flags the relativised function on the head itself, very much in the same way as in European-type RCs using a relative pronoun flagged by cases or adpositions. Thus, in cases in which relativising the possessor or an adjunct function would render the sentence akward, the head-internal strategy may be used for more clarity, though usually with conditional modality. The internal head(s) is/are marked for the required cases. A resumptive pronoun (or a generic noun) in the matrix clause establishes a correlation (cf. [46]–[48]).


(46)

hansı

iş-ə

əl

at-ır-am,

o-nu

qadağan

elə-yir.




which

work-dat

hand

throw-prs-1

dist-acc

forbidden

do-prs




‘Whatever work I take on, he forbids it.’ (Azərbaycan nağılları, Pinəçi ilə şah Abbas)







(47)

hansı

çox-du,

o-ndan

siz

yapış-ın

iki-əl-li.




which

much-cop

dist-abl

2pl

catch-imp.pl

two-hand-with




‘Take the one which is heavier with both hands.’ (SN, Daş üzük)’







(48)

ayağ-ın-ı

hansı

ilan

gəl-di

qoy

o-nun

üst-ü-nə.




foot-pos2-acc

which

snake

come

put.imp

3-gen

on-pos3-dat




‘Put your foot on the (first) snake which will come.’ (SN, Daş üzük)

In (49) and (50), the head-internal construction could not be matched by an equivalent participial construction, which means that the finite construction fills a functional gap that emerges only at the lower end of the accessibility scale:




(49)

hansı

qız-ın

ayağ-ı-na

ol-sa

gərək




which

girl-gen

foot-pos3-dat

be-hyp.3

debptcl






















həmin

gözəl-i

al-a-m.










foc.prox

beauty-acc

take-opt-1




























‘I have to marry the girl whose foot it goes to.’ (SN, Ibrahim )







(50)

hansı

padşah-la

dava

elə-sə-m,

o-nun

torpağ-ı-nı




which

king-with

war

do-hyp-1

dist-gen

earth-pos3-acc

























torba

ilə

daşı-mağ-a

güc-üm

çat-ar










bag

with

carry-inf-dat

strength-pos1

reach-evt.3


































‘Whichever king I make war with, I have the power to carry his earth away in a bag.’ (Azərbaycan nağılları, Keçəl)

If the internal head has subject (cf. [51]) or object (cf. [52]) function in the matrix clause, it is usually gapped, and this also happens with other functions in ‘loose’ spoken style (cf. [53] and [54]) or in the language used in theater plays or opera libretti (cf. [55] and [56]):




(51)

kağız-ı

hansı

div-ə

göstər-sə-n,

Ø

sən-i

apar-acaq




letter-acc

which

demon-dat

show-hyp-2

(nom)

2-acc

carry-fut.3




‘The first devil you will show the letter to, will carry you.’ (fn)







(52)

Hansı

at

xoş-u-na

gəl-ir,

öz-ün




which

horse

pleasure-pos3-dat

come-prs3

refl-2






















Ø

seç

Ø

min

get!




(acc)

choose.imp

(dat)

mount.imp

go.imp






















‘Which horse you like (lit. “pleases you”), (which) is good, choose (it), mount (on it), and go!’ (fn)







(53)

Hansı

ölkə-yə

istə-yir-sən,

Ø

ged-ə-k.




which

country-dat

want-prs-2

(dat)

go-opt-1pl




‘Let’s go to whichever country you wish.’ (fn)







(54)

Biz-im

hansı-mız-ın

əl-i-nə

pul

düş-sə-ydi




1pl-gen

which-1pl-gen

hand-pos3-dat

money

fall-hyp-pst






















bazar-dan

Ø

ulduz

al-ar-dı.




market-abl

(com)

star

take-evt-pst



















‘Any of us could buy stars (= distinctions) from the bazar with whatever money might land in his hand.’ (M. Ibrahimbəyov, Püstə Ağacı, contemporary)







(55)

hansı

bəy-ın

qız-ı-nı

istə-sə-n

ged-im

Ø




which

lord-gen

girl-pos3-acc

want-hyp-2

go-imp1

(acc)

























sən-ə

al-ım.
















2-dat

take-imp1





































‘Which lord’s daughter you ever may wish, I’ll go and fetch her for you.’

(Ü. Hacıbəyov, Arşın Mal Alan, 1913)









(56)

kənd-lər-in

hansı-nda

əylən-ibdir,

Ø

gəl-ər

çıx-ar.




village-pl-gen

which-loc

have_fun-perf

(abl)

come-evt.3

come_out-evt.3




‘Whichever village he may be [hiding] enjoying a good time, he will reappear and come out of it.’ (M. F. Axundov, Sərgüzəşti mərdi xəsis or Hacı Qara, 1852)


..3.Conditional RCs in Azerbaijani

The other case in which the use of a finite strategy instead of a participial one is common is when it is strongly motivated by the necessity to express non-factual modality in the RC. Usually the Azerbaijani subordinate verb-form is a conditional form (‘hyp’ in [57]-[60]):


(57)

hansı

söz

lazım-ıydı-sa,

o

söz-ü



de-di.







which

word

necessary-coppst.3-hyp

dist

word-acc

foc

say-pst.3







‘He would pronounce the necessary words.’ (Elçin, Toyuğun diri qalması, 1987)







(58)

hansı-nız

mən-im

əmr-im-dən

çıx-sa,

o-nu

öldür-əcəy-əm.




which-pos-2pl

1-gen

order-pos1-abl

go_out-hyp

dist-acc

kill-fut-1




‘Whoever of you goes against my order, I’ll kill him.’ (SN, Ayğır Həsən)







(59)

kim

hansı

oğlan-ı

istə-yir-sə,

alma-nı

o-na

at-sın.




who

which

boy-acc

want-prs-hyp

apple-acc

dist-dat

throw-opt




‘Which boy she wishes, let her throw the apple to him.’ (fn)







(60)

sən-ə

hansı

gözəl-i

de-sə-n

Ø

al-ar-am.










2-dat

which

beauty-acc

say-hyp-2

(acc)

take-evt-1










‘I shall take for you whichever beautiful (girl) you say.’ (fn)

The fact that such conditional relative clauses imply topicalisation is a well-known phenomenon across languages;13 in Azerbaijani, the focus of the hypothesis can additionally be moved away from the verb onto one of his arguments by cliticising to it a conditional copula (cf. [61]).


(61)

hansı

xatirə-lər-i-sə

yad-ı-na




which

memory-pl-cop3-hyp

mind-pos3-dat
















sal-ıb

baş-ı-nı

yellə-di.




let-perf

head-pos3-acc

shake-pst
















‘He shaked his head, remembering some memories.’ (Anar, Dantenin Yubileyi, 1988)


..4.Multiple-head RCs in Azerbaijani

A case in which the use of the finite, non-participial strategy employing interrogative pronouns appears to be obligatory in the written norm is when two syntactic positions are relativized in the same RC. In one instance (cf. [62]), the interrogative word hansı ‘which’ was found to bear on (logically) two internal heads:


(62)

hansı

uşağ-ın

baş-ı

üst-ü-nə

bu

üç

pəri

gəl-sə-ydi,




which

child-gen

head-pos3

on-pos3-dat

this

three

fairy

come-hyp-pst































bir-i

öp-ər-di

o-nu,

bir-i

bəxşeyiş

ver-ər-di

Ø




one-pos3

kiss-evt-pst

dist-acc

one-pos3

present

give-evt-pst

(dat)




























‘[Of] these three fairies who would come upon the head of the (lit. which) child, one would give him a kiss, one would give him a present.’ (Ə. Cəfərzadə, Üç öpüş, 1982)

However, usually hansı is repeated (cf. [63] and [64]), or used jointly with an interrogative pronoun, as in (65) and (66).


(63)

Hansı

ev-ə

hansı

döyüşçü

birinci

gir-di,

həmin

ev




which

house-dat

which

wrestler

first

enter-pst

foc.prox

house































bütün

əşya-sı

ilə

ol-ur-muş

o-nun.




all

furniture-pos3

with

be-evt-pst.evid

dist-gen






















‘Which house which wrestler first entered, all the furniture of this house would be his.’ (Sabir Əhmədli, Omür urası, 2000)







(64)

hər

bir

kəs

hansı

məzhəb-dən

hansı




every

one

person

which

sect-abl

which

























məzhəb-ə

istə-sə

keç-ə

bil-sin.










sect-dat

want-hyp

pass-dat

can-opt































‘Let everyone have the possibility to abide by the faith he wishes.’ (fn)







(65)

kim-i

hansı

nömrə-ni

ver-ir

həmin

palto-nu

da

al-ır.







who-pos3

which

number-acc

give-prs

this_very

coat-acc

foc

take-prs







‘which number one gives gets the [corresponding] coat’ (Anar, Asqılıqda işləyən qadının söhbəti, 1988)













(66)

harada

hansı

ticarət

müəssəs-i-ndə

qara

parça

var-sa,




where

which

business

plant-pos3-loc

black

fabric

exist-hyp




























yığış-ıl-sın.






















requisition-pass-opt














































‘Whereever, in whichever business black fabric will be available, let it be requisitioned.’ (Sabir Əhmədli, Qara bayraqlar, 2003)


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