Gcse ancient History
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5.1 The writers of the Augustan Age: Virgil, Propertius, Horace and Velleius Paterculus These authors were all writing during the reign of Augustus and are, to some extent, supporting his view of events. Octavian/Augustus had to justify his actions. Presenting Cleopatra as the enemy of Rome and the ‘doomed, destructive monster’ as Horace says, would be the way he wanted it. Virgil and Horace were part of the circle of writers which Maecenas, Augustus’ political advisor, gathered around him. Both benefited from the patronage of the emperor in terms of property and livelihood and both, to some extent, repaid the favour. Publius Virgilius Maro was born in 70 BC and died in 19 BC. The extract is from his epic poem The Aeneid, which traces the escape of Aeneas, the legendary ancestor of the Romans (specifically Julius Caesar!) from troy and his journey to Italy (Books 1-6). Books 7-12 tell the story of his settling in Italy and the wars he fights to establish his followers there. In Book 8 Aeneas is given a golden shield by his mother the goddess Venus, made by Vulcan. On it are carved scenes from future Roman history including the battle of Actium revealing Octavian/Augustus in all his glory. Some view this as propaganda for Augustus but there is much more to this work than a work celebrating the triumph of Augustus. Quintus Horatius Flaccus was born in 65 BC. He made the mistake of joining the wrong side in the civil war between Brutus and Cassius and Octavian and Antony in 42 BC. As a result his family had their property confiscated. However, he was taken up and patronised by Maecenas in 38 BC and became friends with Augustus. He died in 8 BC. His Odes are short poems on all types of subjects from themes of love to politics. He does present Augustus almost as a god in some poems having saved the world from barbarians east and west. Sextus Propertius was born around 50 BC. He wrote mostly love elegies. He tends to keep off serious themes of war and politics but there are some poems in which he has a nationalist approach and explores Augustus themes such as Book 4.6. Despite claiming not to have the inclination for it, he provides a very favourable view of Octavian at Actium! All three poets portray Cleopatra in very much the same way which suited Octavian’s political purpose. Horace describes Cleopatra as ‘that queen preparing some insane destruction for the capitol and planning a funeral for our empire. She had with her that disgraceful mob of diseased men; she herself was out of control, hoping for whatever she wanted, made drunk by sweet good fortune.’ He makes no mention of Antony at all describing the battle of Actium. Her defeat is a cause to bring out the wine and rejoice. Virgil mentions Antony (victorious from the East but: ‘He brought with him Egypt and the strength of the East and furthest Bactria, but followed by his Egyptian wife (the shame of it!).’ Virgil contrasts this with: ‘Augustus Caesar led the Italians into battle with the senators and the people, and with the household gods and the great gods of Rome. He stood there well-pleased on the high stern. From his forehead there poured twin flames, and his father’s star appeared on his head.’ Virgil’s message about who was in the right in this struggle is emphasised with religious imagery. Propertius does the same in his poem Elegies 4.6 using the god Apollo to speak in favour of Octavian as the saviour of Rome. he presents Cleopatra as ‘That woman makes for the River Nile, vainly relying on her own ship in her pointless escape. One thing she did achieve: she did not die on the appointed day. The gods had a better plan: one woman would not have made so great a triumph through the streets where previously the defeated Jugurtha had been led.’ Again, the poet provides political support for Octavian’s actions in the way Cleopatra is made out to be a disastrous enemy to Rome and her future. More than that she was a woman and a queen – and the Romans hated kings. ‘a disgrace that Roman javelins were held on the orders of a woman…. It’s a disgrace that Italian seas should suffer the presence of royal ships while you are our leader.’ (Propertius 4.6) Included in this portrayal is the undercurrent of dislike of foreigners and of what is seen as the luxury and easy-living of the eastern peoples. Velleius (2.82) sees Antony’s behaviour as affected by his behaviour as an eastern prince: ‘As a result, he decided now to wage war on his own country. He had already ordered that he was called the new Father Liber. He wore a crown of leaves on his head, and a golden robe of saffron yellow; he held the thyrsus wand and wore the high boots, all to look like Father Liber when carried in procession on a chariot through the streets of Alexandria.’ Velleius Paterculus was born in either 19 or 20 BC. He served with Gaius Caesar (Augustus’ grandson) in the East and then with the future Emperor Tiberius in Germany. His book was written in AD 30. He took part in many of the events of the early years of the 1st century AD and was a senator himself. However, he is very uncritical of either Augustus or Tiberius. Although he was not alive at the time of the battle of Actium, he would have access to memoirs and documents which we do not have today. However, his work is a summary rather than a fully researched history and therefore contains less detail than other works. His comment on the significance of Actium is typical of his biased and sometime superficial analysis of events. Equally his claim that Octavian was merciful and executed no one is not supported by the facts. ‘In the summer when Caesar Octavian finished the war in Sicily against Pompeius Sextus so successfully, fortune was certainly generous to Caesar Octavian and to the state, but was savagely bad for the armies in the East.’ This is how he begins his short account of Actium and at once the contrast is made between Octavian and Antony which continues throughout his version showing his lack of objectivity.
5.2 Plutarch Plutarch was born in AD 46 in the Greek town of Chaeronea. His Lives of various Greek and Roman personalities is one of his works. His aim was to explore the character of famous men to provide lessons for the future. He does not approach his subjects with the intention of telling everything which happens but restricts himself to those events and incidents which reflect upon the subject of the biography. The biography of Antony is paired with that of Demetrius. In both he sees them as suffering reversals of fortune. In his view both became too involved in luxury and enjoyment. But the contrast is that Antony was harsh and cruel in his attempt to impose power on the Romans and too often let slip the chance to win victories, distracted by Cleopatra. Plutarch sees in Antony’s story a lesson concerning success and its dangers. He is concerned with the influence of character on lives and actions and so he presents ‘rounded’ character portrayals in a way which will develop that theme. He is interested in stories and sometimes emphasises those rather than the great events happening at the time. However, he does tell the story chronologically so that there is a clear and simple timeline to follow. 5.3 Suetonius Gaius Suetonius Tranquillus born AD 69. He became Secretary to the Emperor Hadrian (AD 117). He may have died around AD 140. He wrote a number of works, among which are the lives of the first twelve Caesars beginning with Julius. After the life of Nero, they become much less well-documented implying that he no longer had access to documents in the Imperial Library. This may be when he was dismissed for some affair with the Empress Sabina. The short passage from his biography of Julius Caesar is not the only time he mentions Cleopatra. In section 48 and 49 he tells us about Caesar in Egypt and the reasons for his interference in the family dispute. Otherwise he, like Plutarch, is focused on the character of his subject and he tells us his stories and rumours without much critical judgement. He also does not always give us a chronological order to his biography. Both Suetonius and Plutarch lived long after the events described. Plutarch did travel and may have visited some of the places he mentions. Suetonius is unlikely to have done so. Both are relying upon other sources and information, although Suetonius had some access to documents as librarian to Hadrian. Both follow the tradition in ancient historical writing of providing speeches which may or may not be accurate but which dramatise or characterise the event or person. Their descriptions also may contain some imaginative recreations of events. Neither were military men and their experience of these matters was limited. Timeline Cleopatra’s reign
Useful websites: http://www.houseofptolemy.org/housekng.htm http://www.livius.org/ps-pz/ptolemies/ptolemies.htm http://www.britishmuseum.org/explore/highlights/highlight_objects/cm/s/silver_denarius_of_cleopatra.aspx coin of Antony and Cleopatra 32 BC (and more) http://www.britishmuseum.org/search_results.aspx?searchText=Cleopatra British Museum Cleopatra site. http://www.isidore-of-seville.com/cleopatra/ Option 2: Agrippina the Younger and her influence on Roman politics, AD 41–59 Background: The Roman World Use the maps to become familiar with the provinces and kingdoms of this period: The Roman world in AD 14: the provinces and client kings. http://sitemaker.umich.edu/mladjov/files/romanaad14.jpg http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:RomanEmpire_Phases.png By the death of Augustus, Rome controlled the areas around the Mediterranean either directly or indirectly through client kings. During the Augustan period, Rome had expanded her control to include Egypt and part of North Africa and the Middle East. Illyricum and areas north and west of Italy were added also. Further efforts had been made south of Egypt and there was even talk of conquering Britain and Parthia, although that was largely propaganda. When Augustus died in AD 14, he left Tiberius, the next emperor, a very stable and well-organised empire. The Position and Power of the Emperor in AD 14 Before Augustus took power in 30BC with the defeat of Antony and Cleopatra, the Roman constitution consisted of Assemblies of the citizens (male only), magistrates elected by the Assemblies, and a Senate which advised the magistrates and which was made up of elected officials. In principle it was a mixed constitution with elements of both democracy and oligarchy. Julius Caesar had, before his assassination in March 44 BC, effectively taken over the government with the post of dictator for life, but it was to be another 14 years before the first emperor took control. Even then, much of the republican system of magistrates and Senate (if not Assemblies) remained in order for the government to work effectively. http://www.vroma.org/~bmcmanus/romangvt.html: this website contains a chart and information on the republican system of government: Look at: the main magistrates and their duties: censors, Consuls, Praetors, Aediles, Quaestors, Tribunes; the role of the Senate; the Assemblies and their duties. Augustus, however, took over a great deal of the tasks of the these bodies. Most importantly he took control of the legions and the most important provinces – Syria, Spain, Gaul and Egypt (this one being virtually a private kingdom since no senator was allowed to go there). He also had a power (imperium) which was greater than other magistrates and governors of provinces. In addition, he had the powers of a tribune in Rome, as well as rights and privileges which allowed him to make laws and control the debates in the Senate. Among other honours he was Chief Priest (Pontifex Maximus), leader of the Senate (Princeps Senatus) and given the title Father of his Country (Pater Patriae). Although in theory the constitution still carried on working, in practice the emperor made the most important decisions. The magistrates became more administrators than decision-makers and the Senate tended to agree with what Augustus wanted. By the time Tiberius took over, it was clear who was in charge. Although Tiberius found it difficult to take over from Augustus there was no real challenge to him when he became emperor in AD 14. Context: Agrippina’s upbringing and the influence of the imperial family 1.1 Agrippina’s family: Germanicus, Agrippina the Elder and Gaius (Caligula) Tiberius had been compelled by Augustus to adopt Germanicus as his successor. Germanicus was the son of Drusus, Tiberius’ brother, and Antonia, the daughter of Mark Antony and Octavia, Augustus’ sister. Augustus’ intention was to create a family dynasty to continue as ruler of the empire. Julio-Claudian family tree
The marriage of Agrippina the Elder and Germanicus brought together the two halves of the family of Augustus: Agrippina was the daughter of Julia, Augustus’ daughter and Germanicus the grandson of his sister. Germanicus was also a member of the Claudian family. Their children would be members of both the Julian and Claudian families. They would also be direct descendant of Augustus himself. Augustus had intended that his two grandsons, Gaius and Lucius, to succeed him, but they died in the youths. So he turned to Tiberius to hold the position until Germanicus was ready. Tiberius had a son of his own, Drusus but he made Germanicus his successor as Augustus had wanted. Germanicus’ brother was the future Emperor Claudius, and later Claudius married one of Germanicus’ daughters, Agrippina the Younger. The cameo showing the two couples is a famous depiction of the relationship between them and the importance that relationship had for both Claudius and Agrippina the Younger. The two men are associated with weapons as victorious generals, while the women are represented in a way that suggests their importance and power. It may commemorate the marriage between Claudius and Agrippina the Younger. View the cameo showing Claudius, Agrippina the Younger, Germanicus and Agrippina the Elder at http://ancientrome.ru/art/artworken/img.htm?id=1255 (also in A.A. Barrett illustration No 6 and page 103). Germanicus was also the father of the next emperor Gaius (Caligula) And the grandfather of Nero. While he was alive, and perhaps even more after his death in AD 19, the Romans saw Germanicus as another Augustus. His father Drusus had been very popular. This popularity extended to him and his children, Gaius and Agrippina, benefited also. Tacitus, the Roman historian, is full of praise for his achievements in Germany, in contrast to the cautious Tiberius. Meanwhile, as already said, Germanicus was making tax-assessments in Gaul when news reached him that Augustus had died. He was married to the elder Agrippina, the granddaughter of Augustus, and they had several children. Germanicus was the son of Drusus, brother of Tiberius, and grandson of Livia, Augustus’ wife. He was worried because his uncle and grandmother secretly hated him, which was made worse by the fact that it was unfair. Drusus, Germanicus’ father, was highly regarded by the Roman people and they believed that he would have given back their freedom, if he had become emperor. So they gave the same support to Germanicus hoping he would do the same. He had a polite and modest personality, a wonderful openness and honesty about him, very different from the proud and hypocritical words and expressions of Tiberius. The mutual enmities between the women added to this; Livia showed a stepmother’s dislike of Agrippina; Agrippina herself was too easily provoked to anger, which would have been apparent if her love and loyalty to her husband had not given her strong-willed character some worthwhile aim. Tacitus Annals 1.33
Suetonius (Gaius 1-7) provides a short portrait of Germanicus which agrees with Tacitus. He had, according to Suetonius, every good quality – moral excellence, courage, generosity and the ability to inspire others. But as Tacitus suggests he was disliked by the Emperor Tiberius and Livia, the wife of Augustus. Suetonius (Gaius 2) claims Tiberius arranged his death. Tacitus’ account is more complicated involving the governor of Syria, Piso, as the main agent, but he still blames Tiberius and his jealousy of Germanicus’ success. Tacitus (Annals 2.71) gives us Germanicus’ final words to his friends in which he blames Piso and his wife Plancina. Tacitus then adds: (Annals 2.72) Then he turned to his wife. he begged her, by her memory of himself and their children, to put aside her anger, and submit to the savagery of misfortune; he told her, when she returned to the city of Rome, not to anger those in stronger positions by competing for power. This is what he said with others present. In private he said other things, where he was believed to have shown that he was afraid of trouble from Tiberius. Not much later he died. There was great grief in province and among the surrounding peoples. Foreign nations and kings mourned: he had shown such great friendliness towards his allies, clemency towards his enemies; in his looks and words, he had been respected equally; while he had kept a greatness and seriousness, suitable to his high position, he had avoided envy and pride. Tacitus Annals 2.72
After Germanicus’ death in AD 19, Agrippina promoted her sons Drusus Caesar and Nero Caesar as the rightful successors to Tiberius, although Tiberius had his own son, Drusus. In AD 23, however, Drusus died (or was killed by Sejanus and Livilla, his wife). Agrippina’s efforts to make her sons the heirs seems to have annoyed Tiberius, and, with Sejanus’ persuasive help, she and her sons were gradually removed from the scene. Both Nero and Drusus Caesar were imprisoned and died before Agrippina herself, in exile, starved to death. Only Gaius survived, having been taken to live with Tiberius when he retired to the island of Capri in the Bay of Naples. |