6. Pronouns
6.1. Personal pronouns
I me
You shen
She/he/it is
We chven
You tkven
They isini
The I-II personal pronouns don’t change forms. The forms of the personal pronouns of the II person (singular and plural) lose the last consonant “n” in the vocative, especially when they are used with nouns: shen (nom.) - shen! or she k’atso (voc.)
tkven (nom.) - tkven! or tkve khalkho – you people! (voc.)
The III person singular “is” is used for “she,” “he” and “it”. There is no difference in gender. There is no grammatical gender in Georgian, but the III person pronouns expose the space location towards the first person - the speaking person.
es sing. This, near the first person
eg sing. This, near the second person (that near you)
is (igi) sing. That, far from the first/second persons
eseni Pl. These, near the first person.
egeni Pl. These, near the second person.
isini Pl. Those, far from the first/second persons
The III person pronouns don’t form all cases, unless they are produced artificially.
Flexion of the III person personal pronouns:
Singular
Nom. es eg igi is
Erg. aman magan man iman
Dat. amas magas mas imas
Gen. -----------------------------------
Instr. amit magit mit imit
Adv. amad magad mad imad
Voc. -----------------------------------
Plural
Nom. eseni egeni igini isini
Erg. amat magat mat imat
Dat. amat magat mat imat
Gen. ----------------------------------------
Instr. ----------------------------------------
Adv. ----------------------------------------
Voc. ----------------------------------------
6. 2. Demonstrative pronouns
This/that these/those - es /eg/ is, eseni /egeni/isini
This kind, such – aseti/iseti/egeti, amistana/imistana/magistana, amnairi/magnairi/imanairi
Flexion of demonstrative pronouns with nouns:
Nom.
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es kali
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Eg kali
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is kali
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es/eg/is kelebi
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Erg.
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am kalma
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mag kalma
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im kalma
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am/mag/im kelebma
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Dat.
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am kals
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mag kals
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im kals
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am/mag/im kelebs
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Gen.
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am kalis
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mag kalis
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im kalis
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am/mag/im kelebis
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Instr.
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am kalit
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mag kalit
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im kalit
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am/mag/im kelebit
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Adv.
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am kalad
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mag kalad
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im kalad
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am/mag/im kelebad
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Voc.
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-------
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----------
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-------
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---------
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6. 3. 1. Possessive pronouns
My chemi
Your sheni
His/hers/its misi / amisi / imisi
Our chveni
Your tkveni
Their mati / amati / imati
The third person possessive pronouns repeat the same kind of space exposition as done in personal pronouns. Compare: es/is/eg, eseni/egeni/ isini and sing. misi - amisi - imisi; pl. mati - amati - imati
Actually the prefix “a”- shows the distance near the first person, while prefix “i”- exposes the opposite – far from the first/second persons. (As the second person is a member of communication and it is always near the first person.)
6. 3. 2. Flexion of possessive pronouns
The flexion of possessive pronouns look like others of the same type of consonant-stem-final adjectives and nouns.
cases
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Nom.
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Erg.
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Dat.
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Gen.
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Instr.
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Adv.
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Voc.
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I person singular
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chem-i
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chem-ma
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Chem.-s
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chem-is
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chem-it
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chem-ad
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chem-o
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II person singular
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shen-i
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shen-ma
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Shen-s
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shen-is
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shen-it
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shen-ad
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shen-o
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III person singular
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a/i-mis-i
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a/i-mis-ma
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a/i-mis
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a/i-mis-is
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a/i-mis-it
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a/i-mis-ad
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a/i-mis-o
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I person plural
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chven-i
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chven-ma
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chven-s
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chven-is
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chven-it
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chven-ad
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chven-o
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II person plural
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tkven-i
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tkven-ma
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tkven-s
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tkven-is
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tkven-it
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tkven-ad
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tkven-o
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IIII person plural
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a/i-mat-i
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a/i-mat-ma
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a/i-mat-s
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a/i-mat-is
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a/i-mat-it
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a/i-mata-d
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a/i-mat-o
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The same flexion model used for adjectives with nouns is used for possessive pronouns with nouns, but the possessive pronouns keep the dative case marker:
Nom. chemi megobari chemi megobrebi
Erg. chemma megobarma chemma megobrebma
Dat. chems megobars chems megobrebs
Gen. chemi megobris chemi megobrebis
Instr. chemi megobrit chemi megobrebit
Adv. chem megobrad chem megobrebad
Voc. chemo megobaro chemo megobrebo
6. 4. Reflexive pronouns
Himself – tviton or tavad; His/her/its own - tavisi. These pronouns are produced from tavi (head).
6. 5. Indefinite pronouns
vinme (somebody), vighats (someone), rame (something), raghats (something), romelighats (something), rogorighats (somehow), romelime (any), ramdenime (a few).
6. 6. Definite pronouns
erti (one), k’atsi (human, somebody), zogi (some people), zogierti (somebody), skhva (other), ertmaneti or erturti (each-other).
6. 7. Interrogative pronouns
vin? (who?) ra? (what?), rogori? (what kind?) sadauri? (where from?) rodindeli? (from when?) ramdeni? (how much?) romeli? (which?)
6. 8. Directional pronouns are produced from interrogative pronouns by adding the particle “ts.”
vints (who), rats (what), rogorits (that kind) sadaurits (where from) rodindelits (from when) ramdenits (how/that much) romelits (which).
7. ABOUT CLASS-CATEGORY
We expose the universal regulation - The general semantic categories are universal for any language. The semantics of the class-category is also universal. Different languages expose the regulations by diverse types of linguistic models giving the priority to the dominant categories. The Indo-European languages have three forms of gender, Iberian languages have a category of animate and inanimate things; some other languages have different signs for such classification, such as systems of religious or social signs for proper identification etc.
In the Kartvelian languages we have the semantic category of classes not only in the diachronic level. This category is not productive in the temporary system of the Kartvalian languages and it has the tendency of disappearing. But still on the synchronic level in Georgian this category is exposed in morphology and syntax: In noun groups, in case and plural systems, in participles, in different groups of pronouns, in verbs (makvs/mq’avs), in proverbs, etc.
In our opinion ergative markers in Georgian and Svan m/man come from the pronouns relating to the human, the who category (from me, mare- a man, Svan.). The same origin has m - the first person object marker and v - the first person subject marker; in mi-mo proverbs the center of orientation is the first person, expressed by m having the proper opposition - ts’.
The general diathesis of the category of person is animate-inanimate /who-what semantics. This category is very well exposed in the semantics of the different groups of Georgian pronouns. The personal and demonstrative pronouns have the rest of the class category opposition of s- m. The marker of ergative follows the forms in the other cases:
Nom. is
Erg. m-a-n (“n” is the later marker of ergative)
Dat. m-a-s
Gen. m-is(i)
Inst.( i)-m-it
Adve. (i)-m-ad
Whatever we think about affix “a”, either consider this with the previous consonant or take it as an inter-consonant vowel, in spite of this, we must say that the ergative declination is quite clear in the Georgian language. This is the same model of declination as in the other Caucasian languages.
In the Georgian language the class category is within the whole language system. It’s spread by pronouns into the noun declination and verbal conjugation. It is properly exposed in the poly-personal verbal system. The class category appears in the basic semantics of the each category of the poly-personal verb. The verbal category of the personal relationship inside the verb of course is connected with the class category. The who-what semantic category is the base for many categories in the language, although in the modern language it has no referents itself – except for just a few forms. Being a base semantic category for many other categories is the reason why there is no need for it to be exposed with proper morphological referents.
For typological comparison: There are different forms for the different classes in the Basque language; for example, the post position “for” has the different references for animate and un-animate nouns. Basque also has so called allocutives in the verb showing the gender for the second verbal person (subject, direct object and indirect object). It has feminine and masculine gender, while there is no gender in the pronouns and nouns in the Basque language. This is a very interesting fact that the Basque language has the two types of class categories – gender and who-what category. These categories produce the proper systems in the language.
The universal classification scheme of the class category:
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Human
1. a. Female
1. b. Male
1. c. Neutral (child)
2. Thing
2. A. Animated
2. A. a. Female
2. A. b. Male
2. A. c. Neutral
2. B Inanimate
2. B. a. Classes by the different signs (size, color, forth, light, dynamic, growth, astronomical things, religious units etc.)
2. B. b. Anything else
According to empirical data the simpler this scheme looks the level of abstraction is higher in a language. The category of classes is a universal linguistic phenomena and each language has to expose this somehow showing its individuality.
8. Numerals
8.1. Numerals of quantity
The Georgian system of numbers is based on a counting system of 20. The numbers more than 20 and less than 100 are compound and the first number is composed of one or more 20's and then the remaining number is added. For example, 77 is expressed as “sam-ots-da-chvidmet’i” (lit. three-times-twenty and seventeen)
The numerals 11-19 are produced by the following scheme: ati (ten)+ the figure. The first vowel “a” and the nominative case marker ‘i’ are missing, ati t. 13 (t+s=ts), 17(t+sh=ch), 18(rv->vr), 19 have some phonetic changes.
1 erti
2 ori
3 sami
4 otkhi
5 khuti
6 ekvsi
7 shvidi
8 rva
9 tskhra
10 ati
11 tertmet’i
12 tormet’i
13 tsamet’i
14 totkhmet’i
15 tkhutmet’i
16 tekvsmet’i
17 chvidmet’i
18 tvramet’i
19 tskhramet’i
20 otsi 25 - otsdakhuti, 26 - otsdaekvsi
30 - otsdaati 31 – otsdatertmet’i, 37 – otsdachvidmet’i
40 - ormotsi 42 - ormotsdaori
50 - ormotsdaati 57 - ormotsdachvidmet’i
60 - samotsi 69 - samotsdatskhra
70 - samotsdaati 79 - samotsdatskhramet’i
80 - otkhmotsi 81 - otkhmotsdaerti
90 - otkhmotsdaati 98 - otkhmotsdatvramet’i
100 - asi 200 - orasi, 300 - samasi, 400 - otkhasi, etc.
1000 - atasi 1000 000 - milioni
Millard - miliardi Uncountable - utvalavi
Georgian doesn’t use plurals with numerals – unlike English, for example. Compare: Six books, five notebooks with ekvsi ts’igni (not tsc’ignebi), khuti rveuli (not rveulebi).
In Georgian nouns are used in singular with “many”, “much”, “a few” – unlike English.
Compare these Georgian-English forms: Many animals - mravali or bevri tskhoveli; A few persons - ramdenime adamiani.
8. 2. Numerals of order are produced by affixes “me-e.” Except “the first” – “p’irveli.” The final “a” is missing in merve (8-rva) and metskhre (9-tskhra). Samples: ori – me-or-e (the second), sami – me-sam-e (the third), tkhutmet’i – metkhutme’t’-e (the 15th), otsi - me-ots-e (the 20th), etc.
8. 3. The partial numerals are produced from numerals of order by adding the adverbial case marker: meore-d-i or nakhevari (half); mesame-d-i, moetkhe-d-i, mekhute-d-i, etc. The marker of the adverbial case “-ad” acts as a derivation marker.
All numerals have the same type of flexion as nouns and numerals with nouns following the declination model of adjectives with nouns.
9. Adverbs
9. 1. The adverbs of manner
Most adverbs are produced from the adverbial case of adjectives. (Some of them lose the case marker consonant, the final “-d”) neli - nela (slowly), chkari - chkara (quickly), k’argi- k’arga/k’argad (well/OK), maghali – maghla (up), dabali - dabla (down), etc.
nela, chkara, k’arga/k’argad, tsudad/avad (badly/ill); utseb/utsbat/utsabedad - suddenly, shemtkhvevit or uneblied - accidentally, autsileblad - for sure.
9. 2. The adverbs of place
Near - akhlos Next - gverdze Far - shors or moshorebit
Nearby - shoriakhlos
Up - zemot or maghla or aghma (directed)
Down - kvemot or dabla or daghma (directed)
Here - ak /aket /akve/aketk'en/akedan
There - ik /iket /ikve/iketk'en/ikedan
In front - ts’in Behind – uk’an
Right - marjvniv Left - martskhniv
Correct side – ts’aghma Wrong side – uk’ughma
Some places - zoggan or alag-alag or adgil-adgil (“place” is alagi or adgili)
Very often these adverbs produce new compound words by joining to the opposite words: shoriakhlos (nearby), ts’aghma-uk’ughma (front and behind), ts’in da uk’an (before and behind), zemot-kvemot (up and down), aka-ika (some places), aket-ikit (here and there), alag-alag (at some places), adgil-adgil (at some places).
9. 3. The adverbs of time
Today – dghes; Tomorrow- khval; Yesterday - gushin;
The day before yesterday – gushints’in;
The day after tomorrow - zeg; In 2 days - mazeg;
This year- ts’els; Last year - sharshan; Next year - gaisad;
Often – khshirad; Seldom - ishviatad;
Sometimes - zogjer or khandakhan or drodadro;
Always – sul / (sul) mudam or (sul) q’oveltvis or q’oveldros;
Never - arasdros /arasodes;
Immediately - ts’amierad or mq’isve or mashinve;
Now - akhla; Right now - akhlave
Then - mashin;
After - mere or shemdeg
Ever - odesme
Mostly – umet’esad
9. 4. Adverbs of purpose
For this - amad/amistvis
for that - magad /magistvis and imad/imistvis
9. 5. Adverbs of reason
Because of this - amitom
Because of that - imitom or magitom
9. 6. Adverbs of measure
Once - ertkhel, Twice – orjer, 3 times – samjer, 4 times - otkhjer, etc. Suffix “-jer” produces these adverbs.
Quite/fully - sruliad or savsebit or q’ovlad
Completely/fully – mtlianad, Partially – nats’ilobriv
Less – tsot’a / tsot’ati; Little by little – tsot’a-tsot’a,
More – met’ad or met’ts’ilad (mainly), More or less met’nak’lebad,
Very - dzalian
9. 7. Interrogative adverbs
Where? - sad? When - rodis?
Why?- rat’om? How? – rogor? What for?- ristvis?
9. 8. Adverbs as conjunctions
The particle “-ts” produces conjunctions from these interrogative adverbs – sadats, rodesats, rat’omats, ristvisats, rogorts/rogorats. These words are used in complex sentences as conjunctions.
10. The conjunctions and particles
And - da; That/if – rom; But - magram; Though - tumtsa;
while/till - sanam / manam (manam… sanam); Than/till - vidre; However / but - kholo; On the other hands/but – k’i;
Or (either or) - an (…an); Or - tu / tuk’I;
Sometimes - khan (…khan); But however - aramed;
Because – imit’om; Therefore – amit’om or mashasadame; Because of /for - radganats;
i.e. – ese igi; Or else – torem; Which - romelits;
Such as – rogorits; That/whatever - rats; Whoever - vints; However - rogorts / tumtsa; As many/much - ramdenits;
May-be - ikneb; Affirmative – khom; Really? (doubting) - gana;
Order intensification - aba; I wish/wonder - netavi or netav;
Already – uk’ve; Almost - titkmis/lamis /k’inagham;
Apparently - turme; Repetition (of action) - kholme.
11. Interjections
Calling (mots’odeba) - aba! ai! ei! au! hei! hai
Wish (natvra) – net’av, net’avi, -mts
Sorrow (mts’ukhareba) - vai! vaime! vui! ui! uime! ah! oh! apsus! oi! uh! o!
Joy (sikharuli) - vakh! vahsa! ura!
Exclamation (aghtatseba) – bich’os! q’ochag’! barakala! vasha! dideba! vasha-dideba!
Surprise (gakvirveba) - vaa! au! vah! ah!
Swear (pitsi/pitsili) - ghmertmani! shemma mzem! Dedashvilobam! da-dzmobam!
Affectionate (saalerso) - genatsvale, getaq’va(ne).
12. Infinitive
In Georgian infinitives are used as nouns, although they are produced from verbs. They can receive case markers. The most infinitives are produced by the suffix “-a”: ts’er-a (to write), khat’v-a (to paint), mushaob-a (to work), pren-a (to fly), etc. Some infinitives have -om, -ol, -il, -ul endings. A few infinitives are produced by “si-il” and “si-ul.”
a. k’vdoma - to die, ndoma - to want, jdoma - to sit, skhdoma - to sit (meeting), sk'doma - to break out, sh(v)roma - to work/to do, ts’vdoma - to reach, t’q’doma - to break, kht’oma-to jump;
b. brdzola - to fight, krola - to blow, ts’ola - to lie, q’ola - to have;
c. dughili - to boil, ts’ukhili - to worry, kukhili - to thunder, dumili -silent, t’q’uili-to lay, t’k’ivili - pain, q’muili - to wail, bghavili - to moan, k’navili - to mew, q’virili - to shout, t’irili - to cry;
d. sik’vdili - death, sirbili - to run, sitsili - to laugh, shimshili -hunger (this is assimilated from simshili);
siq’varuli - love, sikharuli- joy, sibraluli - to feel pity/sorry for, siaruli - to walk.
The infinitives can have the proverbs showing different direction: misvla, mosvla, gaprena, shemoprena, gadarbena, etc.
Infinitives can appear after modal verbs. Compare:
Present
a. shemidzlia/minda dakhat’va/dats’era - infinitive
b. shemidzlia/minda davkhat’o/davts’ero - II subjunctive
Future (II series)
a. shemedzleba/mendomeba dakhat’va/dats’era - infinitive
b. shemedzleba/mendomeba davkhat’o/davts’ero - II subjunctive
Past (II series)
a. shemedzlo/mindoda dakhat’va/dats’era - infinitive
b. shemedzlo/mindoda damekhat’a/damets’era -II Turmeobiti (The 10th row in the III series)
13. Participle
Usually participles are used as nouns or adjectives.
-
The participles of transitive verbs are produced by the following affixes: m-, me-el, m-ar/al. damts’eri (one, who wrote), mts’erali (writer), mkhat’vari (painter), masts’avlebeli (teacher), etc.
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The future participles of passive are produced by affixes sa- and s-el: (da)sats’eri (something to write), (da)sakhat’i (something to paint), (ga)saketebeli (something to do), etc.
The past participles of passive are produced by the following affixes: -il, -ul, na-, m-ar. dats’erili (written), gaketebuli (made), nakhat’i (picture/painted), dakhatuli (painted), damdnari (melted) etc.
These participles can have negative forms as well, produced by u- and u-el: daukhat’avi (unpainted), dauts’ereli (unwritten), etc.
14. Derivation
Derivation is very rich in Georgian. Word derivation by adding the definite prefixes and suffixes produce many new nouns and adjectives from one root. For example: k’atsi (man), uk’atso (without a man), uk’atsrieli (no human existence place), sak’atse (something for man), k’atsuri (manly), k’atsoba (manhood), k’atsiani (with/having a man), arakatsi (bad man/no-man).
ant’i-(opposite) ant’i-rusuli (Anti-Russian), ant’i-kartuli (Anti-Georgian);
-izm and -ist - k’omunizmi /k’omunisti (communism/communist)
Like -nairi, -tana, -peri -gvari k’atsistana (like a man), kalisnairi (like a woman), chemperi (like me), shengvari (like you).
Geographical names are produced by sa-o, sa-et, -et
sakartvelo, saprangeti, ruseti
Destinative meaning/(for) is produced by the affixes: sa-e, sa-o, sa-ur sakatme - for hens; sazghvao - for sea; sapekhuri -for step.
sa-ur is seldom used sataguri - for mouse.
Abstract nouns are produced by si-e, -oba, -eba, silamaze (beauty); bavshvoba (childhood); bedniereba (happiness).
Origin is produced by -el, (for human) -ur/ul (for things), The suffix -ul is dissimilated form of the suffix -ur. Usually Georgian doesn't accept two 'r'-s in one word unless there is one "l" between them. Compare: azia-aziuri, kartli-kartluri, korea-koreuli. Only foreign words may have two 'r'-s.
Origin is also produced by -iur, -del, -eul tbiliseli (Tbilisian), kartuli (Georgian), gushindeli (from yesterday), mziuri (sunny), dediseuli (from mother).
Specialty is produced by me-e and me-ur (less used) mebag’e (gardener), mezg’vauri (sailor).
Diminutive forms are produced by –ik’(a), -ik’o, -uk’, -a, -ilo/a, -un
The first two suffixes –ik’(a), -ik’o, are widely used for personal nouns. besik’i, tamrik’o, sosik’a, anuk’i, vaj’a, tamila, dedilo, mamilo, tamuna, k’atsuna (a small man – satirically).
Previous situation is produced by affixes na-ev and na-ar. nakmrevi (a woman, who had a husband before), natsolari (a man, who had a wife before).
Possessive forms are produced with -ian, -osan, -ovan, (-ier, -a very seldom). tsoliani (married man with wife), kmriani (married woman with husband), gulovani (brave, with heart), goni (brain) gonieri (clever), ghone (strength) – ghonieri (strong).
Negative forms are produced by u-o and u-ur. ukhelo (without a hand), uts’ignuri (not-educated from tsigni - book).
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