D.A. Koss
‘Then, began one of those extraordinary scenes with which the populace sometimes gratified their fickleness, or their better impulses towards generosity and mercy, or which they regarded as some set-off against their swollen account of cruel rage. No man can decide now to which of these motives such extraordinary scenes were referable; it is probable, to a blending of all the three, with the second predominating.’ (Charles Dickens, A Tale of Two Cities, Book 3, Ch. VI)1
How far do Dickens’s ambivalent views about the behaviour of politicized crowds, or the ‘populace’, illuminate his thematic concerns in a A Tale of Two Cities, and its possible origins in his anxieties about the ‘Indian Mutiny’?
Who were they? The barbarous Pirates, scum of all nations, headed by such men as the hideous little Portuguese monkey, and the one-eyed English convict with the gash across his face, that ought to have gashed his wicked head off? [...] The howling, murdering, black-flag waving, mad, and drunken crowd of devils that had overcome us by numbers and by treachery?
Charles Dickens, ‘The Perils of Certain English Prisoners’2
I. Although the imperial context of ‘The Perils’, the Christmas story Dickens co-authored with Willkie Collins, has been convincingly and painstakingly reconstructed by critics such as Oddie, Brantlinger, Tambling, Nayder and Peters, and with particular reference to the ‘traumatic’ events of 1857 in India,3 similar historically-minded attempts at demonstrating that A Tale of Two Cities forms part of the ‘corpus of the Mutiny novels’4 have so far failed to generate structurally homologous critical frameworks. Thus, for instance, Priti Joshi,5 contrasting Patrick Brantlinger’s point-blank refusal to diagnose any intent, on Dickens’s part, to draw a parallel between the ‘mutinous sepoys’ and the ‘oppressed’ French populace6 with Grace Moore’s eager adoption of precisely such an interpretive schema,7 considers as unavailing the search for such ‘family resemblances’, especially in view of Dickens’s wish, as expressed, a fortiori, regarding the ‘Perils’, ‘not to be read topically’.
In particular, Joshi argues8 that, while, according to Moore, the novel supposedly enacts a ‘fusion of the French Revolution with British working-class unrest and the sepoy rebellion’, and, consequently, posits a chain of equivalences between ancient régime corruption, the ‘unchecked nepotism and brutality’ of (pre-mutiny) Company rule, and the excess of ‘retributive justice’9 visited upon the Indian masses during the quelling of the rebellion— ‘indicating thereby Dickens’s sympathy with Indians’—, at the same time, Moore contends rather incoherently that, by the end of the novel, Miss Pross has become ‘a representative of Anglo-Indian womanhood in its entirety’ (apparently, a masculinized version of Marion Maryon of ‘The Perils’, amalgamating, in her character, [‘stained-glass madonna’-like10] ‘fragility11’ (!) with the resoluteness of the ‘female analogue to the imperial power’ now readily capable of ‘resisting any would-be attacker’),12—which would, arguably, suggest Dickens’s taking sides with the Anglo-Indians.13
II. Having thus indicated the difficulty involved in applying the notion that a specific historical conjuncture may somehow be ‘conformally transformed’ into the novel’s structure,14 I wish to return to Joshi’s tentative reconstruction of Dickens’s ‘expressed’ intention15 with regard to the composition of ‘The Perils’. While ostensibly elaborating on Oddie’s conjecture that ‘behind the fevered intensity of Dickens’s evocations of French atrocities [in A Tale] must lie’ not only a deep-rooted aversion to mob-rule,16 but also ‘the novelist’s feelings about the terrible events of 1857’,17 and proposing an alternative construction whereby the Mutiny is seen as the precipitating factor (or ‘animating’ force) accounting for the novel’s overall conception,18 Joshi essentially depicts Dickens as being successfully interpellated into what Laura Peters has called ‘the dual role of imperial author and imperial editor [for HW and AYR]’.19 Indeed, both critics, working with partially overlapping subsets of Dickens’s texts, and with Joshi focusing mainly on the Tale,20 detect an overarching concern on the novelist’s part which far exceeds the perceptions of threat and resulting anxieties evinced in contemporary public responses to the events in India:21 according to Peters and Joshi, the ambitious project to which Dickens devoted his attention around this time was one of consolidation of ‘British national identity’ and imperial hegemony through the mythic reassertion of ‘heroic and chivalrous’ masculinity and through the ‘identification of the enemy’ in an unambiguous form, i.e. that of the racial other.22
Although this last claim is tenable and indeed Peters not only convincingly reconstructs the intertextual dimension of Dickens’s ‘literary and editorial practice’ with reference to contemporary ‘media coverage’ of the events, and in particular the publication of ‘survivor’ narratives in the Illustrated London News, roughly coinciding with the period of the short story’s gestation, but associates this area of ‘errant’ excess23 in Dickens’s response with a widely shared concern that the whole British empire might soon be engulfed in rebellion24 (—which probably accounts for the description of the ‘gang of pirates’ in ‘The Perils’ as comprising the ‘scum of all nations’25), nevertheless, following Nayder, I want to add to this account what I consider to a be significant qualification, at least for the purposes of this paper. Thus, Nayder, introducing a slight displacement in the schema discussed so far, argues that if ‘the representation of class revolution in A Tale of Two Cities is informed by the sepoy revolt’, it is also true that Dickens’s ‘fear of class conflict’ informs the narrativization of the mutiny in the Christmas story, where he foregrounds the racial tensions generated by the events in India so as ‘to transform socially subversive feelings of class injury and ressentiment into a socially quiescent racism’.26 Following Brantlinger,27 Nayder thus places the emphasis on the story’s conformity to those ideological elements of the ‘imperial romance’ which, by setting forth ‘a socially regressive solution’ to the (perennial) ‘condition of England-question’,28 work ‘to justify both aristocratic and imperial rule’. Indeed, having passed through the alembic of the colonial encounter, the ‘marginalized’29 hero’s disaffection is ‘sublimated’30 into a relation of ‘vassalage to his lady’ (Marion Maryon),31and, in this manner, as Tambling notes, the ‘heterogeneous’ actant is called upon in the narrative to ‘defend the homogeneous aspects of society’,32 and thereby re-members33 himself in the image of ‘the oppressor of the rest of the [racially] impure’.34
However, although, this narrative matrix, with its over-conscious emphasis on ‘hero’ glorification through (celibate) self-abnegation and the ‘performance of heroic deeds for the glorification of others’, along with the projection of the narrated events into an ‘absolute epic past,’ appears to provide important clues to the theme of Carton’s ‘self-sacrifice and devotion’ treated in A Tale of Two Cities, thus arguably suggesting the conformity of both works to the ‘chronotype’ of the ‘chivalric romance’ and pointing to the legitimating work performed by both in service to the Empire,35 such an approach does not yet account for what many critics recognized as the ‘feminization’ of the revolutionary mob in the novel,36 or rather the equation of social upheaval with a disarticulation, or inversion, of sexual hierarchies, attributed to ‘cannibal’37 ‘deviant femininity’, or even to ‘degenerate’, ‘polymorphously perverse’ cross-gendering.38 While many commentators have noted before the extensive availability of the ‘iconography of cannibalism’ employed by Victorian writers as a metaphor for class conflict,39 it is quite likely that Nayder’s ‘excavation’ work on Dickens’s revisions to Collins’s original manuscript for the 1857 stage production of The Frozen Deep40 may have supplied, in the ‘phalllic-mother’ figure of Nurse Esther (‘a barbarous Highlander, a former wet nurse and a resentful servant’),41 the ‘missing link’ in what is essentially a proliferating population of ‘specular selves’ refracted through the two-dimensional field of Dickens’s colonial ‘Imaginary’.42 Conceived in response to Dr. Rae’s report about the fate of the Franklin expedition, a report43 which contained a series of allegations which raised the spectre of ‘mutiny and cannibalism’ among the explorers and which, by threatening in this manner to efface ‘the boundary between savagery and civilization’ and by invoking ‘images of class warfare’, appeared to controvert both the ideological justification of the ‘civilizing mission’ and the rhetoric of patriotism and social harmony that commonly accompanied narratives of Arctic exploration, the play, as Nayder explains, was ‘to dramatize the revisionist retelling of the history of the expedition’ that had already appeared in HW.44
Dickens45 had already attempted to challenge the veracity of the report’s allegations in a number of articles published in HW,46 where the high state of ‘discipline’, ‘fortitude and patience’ of both Franklin and his crew47 was contrasted with the character of those other castaways who ‘had been driven to the last resource’ (a category embracing drunkards, members of ‘inferior classes’,48 syphilitic ‘mutineers’, the ‘scum of all countries’,49 etc.), and where an attempt was also made to impeach the credibility of Dr. Rae’s ‘native’ informer50 and to shift the blame51 for the ‘mutilated state of the corpses’ onto the ‘Esquimaux themselves’.52 And, it was the restatement of his case in the two HW articles published in December 1854, in which Dr. Rae reiterated the allegation of insubordination by observing on the ‘disorderly conduct of the crew at the last port they [had] entered’, and, more interestingly, rose to the defence of his interpreter—a certain William Ouligback, ‘who could speak English perhaps, more correctly than one half of the lower classes in England or Scotland’—, and where he expressed his approbation of the ‘Esquimau’ character in general,53 that according to Nayder provided the impetus for the creation of Esther, the ‘Scotch Housekeeper’ in The Frozen Deep: through the stereotyped construction of the clairvoyant Scotch woman54 as a ‘barbarous racial other’,55 a ‘social cannibal’56 and a ‘substitute mother’ with a ‘ravenous appetite’57 (a ‘wolf-nurse’),58 ‘Nurse Esther’ became a place-holder59 for the mutinous cannibals of the expedition, and in this manner functioned to ‘elide’ and encrypt the ‘original source of conflict’—the memory of ‘class warfare’60 that haunted the epic of ‘exploration and empire building’.61 To the extent that Esther’s ‘cannibalism’ consists precisely in her attempt to usurp through the exercise of ‘her second sight’ the place assigned to the ‘fathers’ in the patriarchal setting of the play,62 the male explorers are therefore able to achieve unity of purpose and ‘triumph’ in the face of adversity not solely through their ‘gentlemanly’ qualities, but through the identification of the ‘savage’ woman63 as their ‘common enemy’.64
And it is this two-pronged strategy of displacing class strife onto gender and racial conflict, reprised in A Tale, that is of importance for the reading frame adopted in this essay.65 As many critics have shown, revolutionary violence in the novel is equated with ungovernable ‘female deviancy’66 and the character of Defarge (murderess, terrorist, demagogue and cannibalistic ‘ersatz mother to the children of violence’67) is ‘othered’, exoticized, and ultimately dehumanized68 with the twofold aim of discrediting militant ‘woman power’69 and of denying any kind of rationality to popular protest and collective violence.70 Whether one considers the portrayal of the novel’s villainess as bestialized, ‘orientalized’, or even ‘Indianized’, as Joshi does (who compares Defrage’s ferocity to that of a ‘tiger menacing a bare-shouldered woman in a pair of Punch cartoons by Tenniel’, ostensibly allegorizing the rape of Anglo-Indian women by Bengalee men);71 or, alternatively, as overtly sexualized, and at the same time, masculinized (with Defarge phallephorically concealing ‘a loaded pistol in her bosom, and a sharpened dagger at her waist’),72 the intended effect is the same: to signal her trangression of bourgeois norms and, by relegating her to a ‘disjointed’ Time73 (‘sharpened dagger’)—that of the Furies, the Gorgons, the Fates, or the Bacchantes—,74 other than the novel’s Present,75 to refuse to grant political agency to her and to her revolutionary ‘tribe’. And, while critics have stressed the similarity between the ‘racist vocabulary’ used in the narrator’s response to the terrible scenes at the ‘grindstone’ and the tone of the much-cited letter of 4 October 1857 to Angela Burdett-Coutts,76 nevertheless, one cannot fail to diagnose in the ‘ruffians’ barbarous disguise’ the anxiety of sexual difference/castration and an ‘ambivalent’ reaction77 to the transgression of gender boundaries.78 I should add that it is impossible to provide here a survey of critical interpretations concerning the treatment of the theme of the ‘revolutionary/rioting crowd’ in Dickens’s novels. It will suffice to refer here to Brantligner’s view that ‘whereas for Marx, the final revolution of the proletariat would dispel the nightmare [of history], for Dickens, such a revolution [...] would only be nightmare compounded’.79 I believe, I have already furnished some evidence in support of this claim.
To the extent that my purpose in researching and writing this paper has been to investigate the genealogical continuity in the thematic concerns of A Tale of Two Cities and Dickens’s other writings roughly contemporaneous with the events of 1857, I have refrained from adopting a type of approach exemplified by the work of scholars such as Grace Moore or Christopher Herbert, who, in my view, attempt to draw parallels of dubious value between ‘Mutiny writing’ and Dickens’s work.80 Instead, I have attempted to present and draw upon the results of work by Lillian Nayder, Laura Peters, Priti Joshi and others, so as to examine the ideological function performed by forms of ‘othering’ in Dickens’s texts.
(1995 wrds)
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