Bibliography N

1.3Strategies for Change

(Connell, 2002, cited in Ruxton, 2004:8)

Many men continue to hold power and privilege over women, and seek to safeguard that power. But there are other men who reject fixed gender divisions and harmful versions of masculinity, and who are more open to alternative, ‘gender-equitable’ masculinities. Seeing the effects of gender discrimination on women they care deeply about, or becoming more aware of the benefits of involved fatherhood, for example, may motivate some men to change (Ruxton, 2004). In various settings, small numbers of men and boys are changing their attitudes and behaviour towards women – supporting opportunities for women to earn an income outside the home, or speaking out against gender-based violence. But what makes resistance to rigid views of gender possible? How can development policies and programmes stimulate or build on these positive attitudes and behaviours to achieve gender equality for all? What works with men in practice?

Initiatives need to engage men as allies, using positive and relevant messages which also address their specific concerns. By highlighting the costs of gender inequality, as well as the benefits of gender equality – both for men as individuals, and as members of families and communities – programmes can support men to reflect on, and ultimately resist, harmful constructions of masculinity.

1.3.1Men as Partners against Gender-Based Violence (GBV)

(Barker, 2005:6)

Gender-based violence can be defined as any form of violence used to establish, enforce or perpetuate gender inequalities and keep gender hierarchies in place (Lang, 2003:4). It mostly takes the form of men’s violence towards women and girls, but also includes violence towards men and boys, such as male rape or the abuse of men who have sex with men or transgendered people. A useful strategy for challenging GBV is to help men (the main perpetrators) to see the benefits of rejecting violence – such as having more intimate relationships with their partners.

There have been many innovative efforts to engage men in the struggle to end gender-based violence. The White Ribbon Campaign, which originated in Canada and has now spread to at least 25 countries, aims to mobilise men to speak out against violence against women www.whiteribbon.ca. CANTERA www.canteranicaragua.org, an NGO in Nicaragua, works with men in rural communities to end gender-based violence through popular education workshops. ‘Program H’ www.prumundo.org, a consortium of NGOs which have been working in Brazil and Mexico since 2000, draws on mass media and youth culture to promote more ‘gender-equitable’ lifestyles among young men. In Brazil the campaign has been called ‘Hora H’ or ‘In the Heat of the Moment’, a phrase that was developed by the men themselves who often heard their peers saying: “Everybody knows that you shouldn’t hit your girlfriend, but in the heat of the moment you lose control” (Barker, 2005:152). Campaign slogans draw on language from the community to make their point – such as: “In the heat of the moment, a real man…cares, listens, accepts”. The images used are of young men from the same communities, acting in ways that support gender equality.

As part of their gender training work, NGO Ghamkhori in Tajikistan, Central Asia, works to change male attitudes towards domestic violence – that is, violence against both women and children. They do not lecture the men nor tell them what to do. Rather they use newspaper stories, or examples from neighbouring villages where men describe their violence and its consequences, as the impetus for focus group discussions. In their village project, this method has had around a sixty per cent success rate in significantly reducing violence, as reported by wives and children, who also receive gender training in separate groups. This success is partly due to specific work on violence and partly to a holistic approach to encouraging social change, whereby the organisation spends between six and twelve months in each village, with each group of participants receiving weekly educational sessions based on a curriculum established by the members of the group. Besides their village project, Ghamkhori works with the police, the army, and the KGB – organisations whose membership is almost entirely male – to sensitise them on the issue of domestic violence. To the first of these they also teach skills for dealing sensitively with women who report their husbands to the police. This has considerably diminished the abuse of women who come to the police seeking support to restrain violent husbands. (For further information please contact Colette Harris C.Harris@ids.ac.uk).

In Pakistan, an NGO called Rozan www.rozan.org also works to change the way the police respond to gender-based violence. One of Rozan’s principal goals is to stop police officers from ignoring domestic violence and ‘honour’ killings on the basis that they are ‘private issues’ to be dealt with within families and communities (UNESCAP, 2003). Rozan trains the police to deal sensitively with the problem of violence against women by carrying out gender sensitisation workshops, and training the police in communication skills and anger and stress management.

Gender-based violence may also be targeted at boys and men, especially those who have sexual relations with other men. This violence is both institutional and interpersonal, and acts as a warning to all men about the penalties of not obeying the gender ‘rules’ of how a man is supposed to behave (Greig in Cornwall and Jolly, 2006). Despite this violence, development interventions to prevent gender-based violence against men are currently few and far between. Focused anti-discrimination activities and awareness raising sessions with the police are an important place to start.

1.3.2Strengthening Men’s Resistance to Violence and Conflict

‘Like other characteristics of dominant masculinity, no individual can fully live up to the ideals of being strong, decisive and in control at all times. But men and boys are taught to try, and at the same time they are indoctrinated into violence as a means of protecting themselves and others, to solve problems and conflicts, and assert their perceived positions over women and weaker men.’

(Lang, forthcoming:18)

In the changing social and economic context of growing male unemployment and underemployment, coupled with rising numbers of women entering the workforce in many countries, some men are feeling increasingly powerless, while at the same time feeling entitled to power (in the form of status, money, a job, women). In such contexts, violence may be about men seeking the power they believe is rightfully theirs (Widmer et al., 2006). For others, participating in conflicts or insurgency may be the only viable economic activity in the context of rural poverty (Barker and Ricardo, 2005). Improving men’s access to alternative livelihoods can therefore be an effective way of helping men to re-build a sense of self-worth, reducing the likelihood that they will channel their frustrations and anxieties into violence.

(Sommers, 2006:14)

For example, the ‘Alliance for African Youth Employment’, launched in 2004 by the International Youth Foundation www.iyfnet.org, provides disadvantaged youth in South Africa, Malawi, Mozambique and Rwanda with job training, counselling, direct placement in internships and jobs, and business skills. This both improves their employment prospects, and builds a positive sense of self-worth among youths (Widmer et al., 2006).

It is important to remember, however, that most men and boys shun violence, even in conflict-affected areas. In Mozambique, for example, many men tried to stay out of the conflict and went to great lengths to protect their families (Schafer, 2001, cited in Barker and Ricardo, 2005b). How do we explain the fact that even in low-income, violent contexts, the majority of young men do not become involved in violence? Are there strategies that can encourage and strengthen such resistance?

Promising approaches include: enabling men to reflect on the personal ‘costs’ of violence; creating alternative peer groups which do not support violence – such as sports clubs; and promoting positive forms of masculine identity based on non-violence and care (Widmer et al., 2006). For example, ‘Men as Partners’ http://www.engenderhealth.org/ia/wwm/wwmo.html in South Africa works with the military, unions and schools to support men to develop alternative, peaceful ways of being a man. The ‘Program H Initiative’, described above, aims to capture the hearts and minds of young men, who might be attracted to gangs or to violent forms of masculinity, by creating alternative non-violence peer groups, putting young men in contact with non-violent role-models, and tapping into popular youth culture by making it ‘cool’ to be non-violent (Barker, 2005).

1.3.3Fostering Constructive Male Involvement in Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights

Contemporary gender roles also confer on men the power to influence and often determine the reproductive health choices made by women – about the use of health care facilities, family planning, condom use, abstinence (Peacock, 2002). Spurred on by the recognition that men’s attitudes and behaviours are absolutely pivotal to the success of sexual and reproductive health programmes, many development agencies and NGOs have designed initiatives to encourage positive male involvement. Perhaps the most prominent of these – “Men Make a Difference” – was launched in March 2000 by the United Nations to engage men in HIV prevention activities (UNAIDS, 2000). EngenderHealth’s “Men as Partners” programme in South Africa is also well documented. The programme focuses on promoting the constructive role that men can play in reproductive health, including the prevention of HIV and sexually transmitted infections (STIs), and in maternal care and family planning. For programmes to be effective it is crucial that they also focus on men’s specific needs and vulnerabilities. There have been many efforts to make sexual and reproductive health services more ‘male-friendly’, by having male-only nights, separate entrances or waiting areas, hiring more male clinic staff, offering free condoms, and training staff to treat male patients with sensitivity (Boyd and Moore, 1998 in Flood, 2005).

The Mexican-based NGO, Salud y Genero (Health and Gender) http://www.saludygenero.org.mx/, seeks to generate new ways of being a man or woman by highlighting the health consequences of rigid gender norms. Through workshops and awareness-raising activities, Salud y Genero seeks to facilitate men’s understanding of the relationship between traditional masculine behaviours – risk-taking, little or no involvement in childcare, denial of sickness or vulnerability – and men’s shorter life expectancy, their failure to form intimate relationships with partners and children, and their inattention to their own mental, physical and reproductive health (IGWG 2003). Workshops held by Salud y Genero use a number of exercises to deal with the problems that male socialisation pose for men’s health. One such exercise – ‘The Male Body’ – involves participants writing down what they associate with being a man. The idea that ‘men are strong’ is most prominent. Hats, belts, pistols, machetes, mobile phones and alcohol all tend to feature highly. References to emotions are rare – with the exception of ‘loneliness’. In eight years of working with men’s groups, the word ‘father’ has been suggested only eight times (ibid). Yet many men, after seeing the male image they have created, say: “But that’s not us” (ibid).

The need to work with men and boys has become especially urgent in the context of the HIV/AIDS epidemic. The Shosholoza AIDS project, initiated in 1998 by the NGO Targeted AIDS Interventions (TAI) taige@wandata.com, uses football (South Africa’s most popular sport) as a means of mobilising men to become involved in the fight against HIV/AIDS. The South African Football Association (SAFA) was asked to select eight teams for a three-day training workshop which focused on issues like sexuality, puberty, STIs, HIV/AIDS and communication skills. The teams then held training workshops for neighbouring football teams; organised HIV-oriented football events; and distributed condoms at matches (le Grange, in Ruxton, 2004). The outreach programme resulted in an estimated 2000 men being trained in basic HIV information and prevention.

The HIV-prevention project “Young Men as Equal Partners” www.rfsu.se/tanzania_zambia_ymep.asp works in districts in Tanzania and Zambia to motivate young men to adopt healthy and responsible sexual behaviour. Teachers, church leaders, medical staff and young leaders are all involved in encouraging young men to engage in HIV-prevention and sexual and reproductive health-seeking behaviours through activities such as peer education and counselling, gender awareness workshops, and drama performance. Current use of condoms among young men increased from 55 per cent to almost 78 per cent during the three-year project period.

Many groups are working with men who are living with HIV/AIDS, to encourage them to get involved in HIV prevention and care – for themselves, their families and their communities. For example, Positive Men’s Union (POMU) in Uganda organises community groups made up of HIV positive men to create awareness about testing, and sets up support groups to enable HIV positive men to share experiences (Barker and Ricardo, 2005). In general, however, the sexual health concerns of men living with HIV/AIDS are frequently neglected in research and programme efforts, and they often lack information on how to lead a healthy sex life (IPPF, 2005). Acknowledging and responding to the specific sexual and reproductive health needs of HIV positive men is vital and should be a priority area for future research.

The sexual and reproductive health needs of men who have sex with men (MSM) are also poorly addressed in research, policy and practice. Many MSM are reluctant to go to hospital for treatment of sexually transmitted infections (STIs) due to the hostile responses they receive from hospital staff. Others may be driven ‘underground’ as a result of the violence they suffer at the hands of the police, pushing them away from services and information about sexual health, and into secretive sexual relationships (Greig, in Cornwall and Jolly, 2006). It is crucial that both service providers and the police are sensitised to the needs of MSM and are trained to provide non-judgemental advice and support. Interventions are needed to improve awareness of HIV transmission and prevention among MSM and to increase use of STI/HIV services, as well as to reduce stigma and discrimination towards sex between men (International HIV/AIDS Alliance, 2003). Male sex workers are also rarely targeted by HIV or sexual health interventions – a significant omission that urgently needs addressing.

1.3.4Encouraging Men’s Positive Engagement as Fathers and Carers

(Rogers in Ruxton, 2004:184)

Studies have shown that fathers who are positively engaged in the lives of their children are less likely to be depressed, to commit suicide, or to be violent towards their wives. They are more likely to be involved in community work, to be supportive of their partners, and to be involved in school activities (Morrell, 2003). When fatherhood is privileged as a central aspect of masculinity, everybody benefits.

However, in most cultures, children are taught from a young age that men’s role in the family is that of provider and protector. Childcare, by contrast, is seen as a ‘job for women’. Studies from a range of settings find that fathers contribute about one-third to one-forth of the time that mothers do to direct childcare (Population Council, 2001). Yet as increasing numbers of women enter the labour force, many women are being left with a double work-burden – being expected to earn an income in addition to carrying out their existing domestic chores and childcare responsibilities. As the AIDS epidemic leaves growing numbers of children vulnerable and orphaned, women’s unpaid work burdens are intensifying. An important step in alleviating the burden of care and support borne by women is thus to challenge rigid ideas about masculinity which disassociate men from caring roles (Peacock, 2003). It is essential that interventions seek to engage men in childcare and domestic chores and encourage fathers and husbands to play a more active role in caring for and safeguarding their children’s futures. For programmes to be effective, it is important that we listen to the voices of fathers, recognise their own needs and interests, and make it clear how men themselves will benefit when they are actively engaged as fathers (Barker, in Correia and Bannon, 2006).

Salud y Genero, discussed above, has found that talking about fatherhood is a good entry point for men who might feel threatened by topics such as violence, sexuality or alcohol. Fatherhood is seen as a socially desirable role for men in Mexico and it is central to male self-esteem. It is also a good point of intervention for strengthening equitable relationships through sharing in childcare (IGWG 2003). The “How Daddy Looks to Me” campaign was conducted at national level in 2000 with support from local, state and national government, and produced nearly a quarter of a million pictures from primary and pre-school children across the country which were displayed widely. Many drawings were about love, but a prominent number featured controlling attitudes and even violence. Very few of the drawings were about fathers’ presence in domestic life. The objective of the campaign was to facilitate consciousness-raising among men in order to foster fuller paternal responsibility and emotional commitment towards children.

The Fatherhood Project in South Africa aims to promote positive images of men as fathers, and foster a more conducive policy and programmatic environment for men’s involvement with their children. The project is based on a travelling photo exhibition which contains over a hundred images revealing the possibilities and challenges of men’s closer involvement with their children (Barker and Ricardo, 2005).

In 1997, the PAPAI Institute www.papai.org.br/ founded the first Brazilian Adolescent Father’s Support Programme which provides information to help young men take on responsibility for their own sexuality and its consequences, and supports teenagers who are already parents. Weekly workshops are held in hospitals and public health centres with young fathers and the partners of pregnant adolescents, focusing on issues relating to pregnancy, childbirth, childcare, and paternal responsibilities. PAPAI also uses art education to encourage the participation of men in childcare - for example by bringing out a 3.5 metre-high mascot at public events which represents a young man carrying his child in a baby-bag (Lyra 2005).

1.3.5Promoting More Gender-Equitable Institutional Cultures and Practices within Development Organisations

These are all important questions. Yet even if individual male practitioners do commit to gender equality, they may work within organisations whose entrenched cultures and structures support male privilege. How, then, can development organisations build more equitable institutional cultures and practices?

‘Development organisations have their part to play in promoting positive policy and practice. In particular, they must ensure that all staff, especially men, are committed to gender equality and feel confident and able to make their own contribution to achieving it.’

(Barbara Stocking, Director of Oxfam GB, 2004)

Oxfam’s Gender Equality and Men (GEM) project began in 2002 to assist Oxfam in exploring ways to advance gender equality and poverty reduction by incorporating men and boys more fully into its work on gender. The project included an internal advocacy component, designed to encourage men inside the organisation to think about their personal commitment to gender equality and about what that meant in practice for their day-to-day work. The GEM project aimed to highlight the fact that gender equality is not just an issue for the international programme, but should be a concern of everyone at Oxfam GB (Lang in Ruxton, 2004). (http://www.oxfam.org.uk/what_we_do/issues/gender/gem/index.htm)

To encourage men’s personal commitment to gender equality, an internal training session was created – ‘The Gender Journey’. Men are actively recruited to the course, especially senior male managers, in order to create a pool of skilled men able to act as gender advocates in their departments (ibid). The aim of the course is to ‘demystify’ gender and to allow participants to make connections between their personal and professional commitments to gender equality.